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g To the Contributors and Collectors of 





the IVeekly Contribution Plan. 

© VOL. II.] 


JAN. & FEB. 

INO. I. & II. 





— e®©— 



Postaee, under 100 miles. U r.ta ^vo-irtn a i o 




The Cause of Emancipation, 


Falsehood and impudence will have it, that I have se- 
riously injured the sacred cause of liberty. Much do 
they care for the speedy triumph of that cause f Rather 
they care nothing, fear nothing about it, except that the 
abolitionists will succeed in putting the slave-system down. 
Will any man say that I have overrated the rights, privi- 
leges, enjoyments of liberty ? — that I have eulogized it too 
strongly, painted its beauties in too glowing colors, rep- 
resented it above its true value, advocated its universal 
prevalence too earnestly, defended it too vigorously 
against the assaults of its enemies ? Who and where is 
that man ? Is he a man ? Is he an American, a Repub- 
lican, a Christian ? Why, I have been taught from child- 
hood to consider liberty an inestimable boon, — as some- 
thing worth contending for, worth dying for, above all 
price, above all earthly considerations ! It has been in- 
stilled into me, that 

*'A day, an hour of virtuous liberty 

Is wortii a whole eternity of bondage !" 

I thought American freemen subscribed to the affirma- 
tion, that it is 

*' Better to sit in Freedom's hall, 
With a cold damp floor, and mouldering wall, 
Than to bend the neck, or bow the knee, 
In the pr^'udest palace of slavery !" 

I thought it was the earnest inquiry in 1776, — ''the 
time that tried men's souls" — 

'* ! where 's the slave so lowly. 
Condemned to chains unholy, 
Who could he burst his bonds at first. 
Would pine b^eneath them slowly ? 


What soul whose wrongs degi-ade it, 
Would wait till time decayed it, 
When thus ils wing at once miglit spring 
To the throne of Him who made it ?" 

''O Liberty ! O sound once delightful to every Amer- 
CAN ear ! Once sacred, but now trampled upon !" Arise 
from the dust, armed with immortal energy, and scatter 
thy foes as chaff is driven before the whirlwind ! Knov/- 
est thou not that thou art destined to be the conqueror of 
the world, and that no weapon against thee can prosper ? 
O, sublime is the conflict before thee, and right royally 
shalt thou triumph, to the joy of all heaven and earth ! 

That I have estimated a state of freedom too highly is 
impossible ! The difficulty is, to appreciate it, in all its 
grandeur and glory. Never can I be too thankful to God, 
that I Vv^as not born a slave ; tliat my wife and little ones 
are secure from the clutches of .the kidnapper ; that my 
hearth-stone is sacred to purity and love ; that it is not the 
horrible fate of myself and family, to be prized as goods 
and chattels, and herded with four-footed beasts and creep- 
ing things. O, to be free as the winds of heaven ; to be 
restrained by nothing but love to God and love to man ; 
to go and come, rise up or lie down, labor or rest, just as 
the free spirit shall elect ; to stand up in the dignity of 
manhood, almost on a level with the angels of God, and 
find no superior on earth ; to understand all knowledge, 
and know the why and wherefore of " the brave o'erhang- 
ing sky," and the outstretched earth, and piy into the 
mysteries of creation ; — above all, to be instructed from 
those Holy Scriptures w^hich are able to make the seeker 
wise unto salvation, and which show^ what is the perfect 
will of God, and how we may become free indeed in Christ 
Jesus ; — ^this is to make life a blessing, and the reverse 
of it a curse. I have not, then, at any time, extolled lib- 
erty too highly. 

But the popular cry against me is, that I have spoken 
of slavery, and slaveholders, and the apologists of slavery, 
in harsh denunciatory language, so as greatly to injure 
the cause I profess to love. This is not only hypercritic- 


ai, but, I fear, hypocritical, on the part of mj accusers. 
Who ever knew men induced to love freedom less, be- 
cause they were urged to hate slavery more ? I scoff at 
such a conclusion ! That my language has been rough, 
vehement, denunciatory, is true : but why ? because the 
: exigency of the times demanded it ; beca^use any other 
Fanguage w;ould have been inappropriate and ineffectual ; 
because my theme was not a gentle one, about buds, and 
blossoms, and flowers, and gentle zephyrs, and starry 
skies ; but about a nation of boasting republicans and 
Christians ruthlessly consigning to chains and slavery 
every sixth person born in the land — about a land, 

*' Where the image of God is accounted as base. 
And the image of Cesar set up in its place" — 

about one vast system of crime and blood, and ail imagin- 
able lewdness and villany — about the robbers of God^s 
poor, those who keep back the hire of their laborers by 
fraud, those who sin against the clearest light, and in the 
most awfiil manner. Now, what words shall I use to ex- 
press the convictions of an honest soul, in view of such 
attrocious impiety, and such unequalled meanness and 
baseness.'* ShalLthey be gentle, and carefully selected, and 
cautiously expressed ? Away with such counsel : it is 
treason against the throne of God ! call things by their 
right names, and let the indignant spirit find free utter- 

'* On such a theme 't were impious to be calm ! 

Passion is reason, transport temper here i" 

It may be said, this is all declamation, — why not argue 
the matter ? Argue, indeed ! What is the proposition to 
be discussed ! It is this : whether all men are created 
free and equal, and have an inalienable right to liberty ! 
I am urged to argue this with a people, who declare it to 
be a self-evident truth ! Why, such folly belongs to Bed- 
lam. When my countrymen shall burn their Bibles, and 
rescind their famous Declaration of Independence, and 
reduce themselves to colonial dependence upon the moth- 
er country, I will find both time and patience to reason 


with them on the subject of human rights. Argument is 
demanded — to prove what ? Vv'hy, that one man has no 
right to make a chattel of another ! that he is a thief who 
picks another man's pockets, and kidnaps his body and 
soul ! that an American citizen, who is a slave-master, 
and yet pretends to be a republican or Christian, is an ar- 
rant hypocrite ! that to sell families by auction, like cat- 
tle, swine, in lots to suit purchasers, is a crime I that to 
forbid the instruction of almost one half of the Southern 
population, and also the circulation of the Bible, under 
terrible pains and penalties, is to incur the displeasure of 
heaven ! that it would be right, safe, expedient, to pay a 
laborer wages, recognize and treat him as a man, place 
him under the protection of equal laws, and cease brutal- 
izing Iiim without a cause ! are these propositions to be 
gravely discussed in the United States in the nineteenth 
century ? Not by me, whatever others may think proper 
to do. For there is not a slaveholder in all the land, who 
does not as certainly know that he is a thief and a tyrant, 
as that he exists, — whether he claims to be a titled divine, 
or a senator in Congress. How do I make good the as- 
sertion ? By condemning him out of his own mouth : for 
he acknowledges that the sentiments contained in his 
country ^s Declaration are true, yet dares to put an equal 
brother under his feet ! by appealing to his own nature : 
for, sooner than he would suffer himself to be placed in 
the condition of his slave, he would choose to encounter 
death in any form. No man ever yet hated his own flesh. 
Therefore, '^ thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," — 
and '' whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, 
do ye even so to them." " He that hath ears to hear. 
Let him hear." The day for admitting excuses is gone 
by ! No man may now plead ignorance of his duty. The 
motives for immediate action are overwhelming. Two 
millions and a half of men, women, and children already 
in chains in our midst ; seventy thousand infants, the off- 
spring of slave parents, annually kidnapped from their 
birth ; the right of petition trampled in the dust ; the free- 
dom of speech no longer sacred ; the slave system de- 


fended as a divine institution by the rulers in Church and 
State ; and the whole country tilled with pollution, vio- 
lence, and blood ; behold our situation, and what is to be 
our fate, as a people, if Vv^e will not amend our ways and 
our doings ] Liberty BelL 

Written for the Monthly Offering. 
Story of liiia. 

Near a large town on the banks of the Mississippi, lived 
a Frenchman, who possessed about fifteen or twenty field 
hands. Like others of his nation, he loved industry, and 
w^iile he practiced it himself, expected all around him to 
do the same. Possessed of a strong constitution, he 
made no allowance for the inability of his attendants to 
perform as much labor as himself, poorly clad, and poor- 
ly fed, as the French slaves generally are. 

Among the female slaves who were accustomed to v/ork 
in the field, was one nam.ed Lila. She was not counted 
very valuable, for her services w^ere ''hired'' to a lady 
in town, for twelve dollars per month, a paltry sum for a 
grown hand in that region, yet she seemed to possess 
some influence over the mind of her master. 

I suppose my readers know that w^hen a slave is hired, 
the money is given to the slave evevy month, to carry to 
the master. Sometimes they require a certain part, and 
allow the slave to keep the remainder for their own use, 
w^hich oftentimes is saved for the purchase of their free- 
dom, but in this case, the master took the whole. 

Lila was entirely ignorant of every kind of household 
work. She could not cook, nor wash, nor iron, nor 
sweep, nor scour, nor make beds, nor sew : in short, 
she could do nothing but hoe corn and pick cotton. The 
lady who had hired her, w^as a Northerner, an amiable 
kind-hearted woman, she carefully and patiently taught 
her all these employments, one at a time, telling her 
kindly how, to do a thing, then leaving her to do it alone, 
and returning to see if it was done well, commending and 
encouraging as opportunity offered, proving beyond a 
doubt, contrary to the oft-repeated assertions of the mas- 


ters and mistresses of the South, that there is no means 
like patience and kindness to make a good servant ; for 
Liia, after she had been with my friend about a year and 
a half, was the praise of all the neighborhood ; nobody's 
cook was so good, nobody's clothes vv ashed so nicely, or 
their ruffles plaited so neatly, nobody's w^aiter so civil to 
strangers, nobody's servant so trustworthy and watchful 
for her mistress' interest, so careful and faithful in every 
particular, or so desirous to please, so patient and oblig- 
ing, or so intelligent and ingenious. Every body wished 
they could have such a servant as Lila, and twenty dol- 
lars a month would have been readily given, but Lila 
choose to stay with Miss Y , and by some means suc- 
ceeded in doing so. She v/as a treasure to her, and a 
real attachment subsisted between them, as many inci- 
dents proved. 

Lila was one day heard to swear, her mistress called 
her to her, and talked seriously yet mildly, of the wick- 
edness of swearing. As the tears ran dow^n her cheeks, 
she answered, '' I wont do so again, no I wont, me for- 
get, me forget, me no want to grieve Misse Y " 

Lila was very religious, but her religion,' like that of 
most of the slaves, was a compound of superstition and 
terror. On Palm Sunday we went to the cathohc church, 
and branches of the Palm were scattered among the con- 
gregation; I received one with the rest; I brought it home, 
Lila said that would keep the witches off." I laughed 
and hung it up in my room, Lila saw^ it, and with real 

concern, asked Miss Y if I believed in it, or did it 

for sport, saying she did not like to have any body make 
fun of her religion. With true kindness my friend re- 
garded the feelings of the servant as she w^ould her own, 
and I was requested to take it dov/n, which I willingly 
did. She was a Catholic, for she had been broilght up so. 
but she regularly said the prayers taught her by her new 

After the death of a young lady in the family, who was 
greatly beloved, Lila shut and locked the piano on vv^hich 
she had been accustomed to play ; after a fev/ days it was 


Opened and played upon by some one; as soon as thej 
left, Lila again shut and locked it : continuing to find it 
open, she one day went to Miss Y — — with terror in her 

looks, and asked her to lock it, ''Miss E- die, and 

they play on her piano !" she said. Lila with some diffi- 
culty succeeded in making us understand that it was the 
custom among the French, to close the piano belong- 
ing to a deceased relative, until the expiration of a year„ 
Another time I was sick, and she was requested to make 
a dish of water-gruel for me; she refused, which was an 
unusual thing, and for a long time v^e could not under- 
stand the reason of her unwillingness; at last she replied, 
'' I make that for Miss E— — and she die, no, no, me no 
make that for you !'^ these incidents illustrate the affec- 
tionate and kind disposition of Lila, as well as her super- 
stition. When she came to live with Miss Y she 

could not speak a word of English, but by patience and 
perseverance, she had been taught so that she could gen- 
erally be understood without difficulty. 

Having thus interested you a little in Lila's character, 
3^ou wi]l not wonder that every member of the family loved 
her, and loved to talk with her, and you will be in some 
measure prepared to appreciate my feelings at the rela- 
tion of the following incident. 

One day conversing with my fi^iend, I asked why Lila 
loved her so much. "Let me tell you her story," said 
she, " that will be the best answer to your question." 

"When she came to live with me, she had one child, 
a little boy, whom she seemed to love, just as a white 
mother would love her child; every sweetmeat or cake 
she could obtain, every trinket that was given her, were 
all saved carefully to carry to her child. She visited him 
once every month, on a Satui-day night, and he visited 
her at intervals during the month. One night after her 
return from her master's we heard terrible noises in the 
yard, and on searching for the cause, found Lila beating 
her breast, and tearing her hair,_ and uttering the most 
hideous yells, after the manner of the French, at the 
death of a near relative. As soon as she saw me, she 


screamed, ^'My child, my child, my master's killed my 
child ; oh, my child is killed, and my master's killed it," 
and burst again into an agony of screaming, tearing her 
hair and her clothes, and throwing dirt into the air. We 
repeatedly entreated her to tell us what she meant, and 
how it had happened; she again exclaimed, "My boy, oh 
my boy, my m^aster's killed my boy, my child, my child, 
oh my child," and screamed and fainted ; wq got her in- 
to the kitchen, laid her on a bed, and towards midnight 
succeeded in quieting her so that we learned the story. 
Her master had set the child to work in the field, it was 
the first time, it did not work fast enough, or did not suit 
him in some way, so in a fit of passion he took a club, 
and beat it on the head. It crawled a little way, laid its 

head upon a stone, and died ! ! '^ Oh my child," 

she again cried, '' my master knew that little thing could 
not work, only seven years eld ! he knew better than to 
put him to work, oh my boy." Again came on a fit of 
phrenzical agony, and a brain fever was the result. 

' ' In the delirium of her fever, she would spring from 
her bed, run into the yard, tear her hair, and bite the 
ground, screaming in the most heartrending manner, "oh 
my boy, my boy," while terror marked every feature of 
her countenance. 

She recovered , after nearly tv/o weeks of intense 

suffering in body and mind, during w^hich time I nursed 
her day and night. Oh, it would have melted a heart of 
stone, to have stood over her, as I did, and witnessed her 
agony, knowing all the time what had caused it ; and I 
must keep all my feelings smothered for fear of the peo- 
ple" around me I dared not even make a remark, oh, it 
w^as dreadful to endure. 

At the end of the month, I paid her full wages, for I 
feared it would excite the anger of her master by which 
she would suffer, if she carried him less than the accustom- 
ed sum. She brought me back five dollars, which she 
had persuaded the miserly Frenchman to throw in. "I tell 
him, I no work for you, I sick, and you take care of me^ 
and he have the money, no, no !" 


''Do you wonder now, why Lila and I love each 
other ?" said my friend, as she closed the thrilling narra- 

Look at the tender gratitude manifested by this poor 
slave ; as she so successfully appealed to the hard heart 
of her master, as lo affect his pocket, and cause him (to 
quiet his conscience, probably) to return a part of her 
wages, wrongfully as was any of it taken ; see her con- 
tinually showing by every little contrivance, that inge- 
nuity and affection could suggest her grateful love, see 
her sharing with her mistress every trifle that pleased 
her. Look at the substantial proofs of her affection in the 
watchful care she took of every thing in the house, and 
then reflect on her intense love for her child, and her 
suffering in consequence, and then answer the question, 
"Can slaves feel ?" 

Lila continued with Miss. Y another year, dur- 
ing which time she often asked her to buy her. She 
would gladly have done so, for the purpose of making her 
free, for she felt that Lila had too much reason to fear 
being torn from her and sent among strangers, to suffer 
coldness and scorn, and severity, rendered more keen by 
the kindness and affection she had experienced, and as 
she increased in value, the possibility of separation be- 
came more probable, and such a prospect became more 
painful, as she increased in affection. 

Miss. Y could not raise the money, and while 

she waited in hope of doing so, the mxaster became embar- 
rassed in his business, and Lila having become so valua- 
ble and so w^ell known that she found a ready purchaser 
and commanded a high price ; she mxust be sacrificed, 
that he may have the money paid for her ; a second 
time must she be separated from the only being she 
loved on earth, afresh must be torn open the wound be- 
ginning to heal, a second time must the tenderest ties of 
affection be sundered by the same cruel hand, and not in 
a fit of passion as before, but with cool deliberation, for 
money ; but ah ! who stops to regard the feelings of a 
slave ? Poor Lila is a slave ! oh, how much is ccmpre- 



hended in that one short word, and what volumes of mis- 
ery does it spealr to those who know what slavery is. 
Poor Lila ; with tears and cries, she was torn away 
from her only friend, borne to New Orleans, and v,': 
have never heard of her more. 

Reader ! what will you do to help in overthrowing 
slavery } 

Narrative of Nehemiah Cauikius. 

Continued from Vol. 1. 

The allowance of clothing on this plantation to each 
slave, was given out at Christmas for the year, and con- 
sisted of one pair of coarse shoes, and enough coarse 
cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. If the man has a 
w^ife, she makes it up; if not, it is made up in the house. 
The slaves on this plantation, being near Wilmington, 
procured themselves extra clothing by working Sundays 
and moonlight nights, cutting cord-w^ood in the swamps, 
which they had to back about a quarter of a mile to the 
river; they would then get a permit from their master, 
and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to Wilming- 
ton, and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best 
could, and with the money buy an old jacket of the 
sailors, some coarse cloth for a shirt, Scc. They some- 
times gather the moss from the trees, which they cleanse 
and take to market. The women receive their allowance 
of the same kind of cloth which the men have. This they 
make into a frock ; if they have any under garment ihey 
must procure them for themselves. When the slaves get a 
permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes make all 
ring again by singing the folloA^ang significant ditty, 
which shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the 
human breast which for a while, at least, enables them 
to forget their wretchedness. 

Hurra, for good ole Massa, 

He giv me <ie pass to go to de city 
Hurra, for good ole Missis, 

She bile de pot, and giv roe de licker, 
Hurra, I^m goin to de city 


Every Saturday night the slaves receive their allow- 
ance of provisions, which must last them till the next Sat- 
urday night. '' Potatoe time," as it is. called, begins 
about the middle of July. The slave may measure for 
himself, the overseer, being present, half a bushel of 
sweet potatoes, and heap the measure as long as they 
will lie on ; I have, however, seen the overseer, if he 
think the negro is getting too many, kick the measure ; 
and if any fall off, tell him he has got his measure. 
No salt is furnished them to eat with their pota- 
toes. When rice or corn is given, they give them 
a little salt ; sometimes half a pint of molasses is 
given, but not often. The quantity of rice, which is of 
the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one peck. ^^Tien 
corn is given to them, their allowance is the same, and if 
they get it ground, (Mr. ^van had a mill on his plan- 
tation,) they must give one quart for grinding, thus re- 
ducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. When 
fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, 
one fish. As to meat, they seldom had any. I do not 
think they had an allowance of meal oftener than once in 
two or three months, and then the quantity was very 
small. When they went into the field to work, they took 
some of the meal or rice and a pot with them ; the pots 
were given to an old woman, who placed two poles par- 
allel, set the pots on them, and kindled a fire underneath 
for cooking ; she took salt vnih her and seasoned the 
messes as she thought proper. When their breakfast 
was ready, which was generally about ten or eleven 
o'clock, they vrere called from labor, ate, and returned 
to work ; in the afternoon, dinner was prepared in tha 
same way. They had but two meals a day while in the 
field ; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves 
after they returned to their quarters at night. At the 
time of killing hogs on the plantation, the pluck, entrails, 
and blood were given to the slaves. 

When I first went upon Mr. Swan's plantation, I saw 
a slave in shackles or fetters, which were fastened around 
each ankle and firmly rivited, connected together by a 


chain. To the middle of this chain he had fastened a 
string, so as in a manner to suspend them and keep them 
from galHng his ankles. This slave, whose name was 
Frank, was an intelligent, good lookkig juan, and a very 
good mechanic. There was nothing vicious in his char- 
acter, but he was one of those high-spirited and daring 
men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the means of cruel- 
ty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. Mr. S. had 
employed a Mr. Beckwith to repair a boat, and told him 
Frank was a good mechanic, and he might have his ser- 
vices. Frank was sent for, his shackles still on. Mr. 
Beckwith set him to work making irunnels, Lc. I was 
employed in putting up a building, and after Mr. Beck- 
with had done with Frank, he was sent for to assist me. 
Mr. Swan sent him to a blacksmith's shop and had his 
shackles cut otf with a cold -chisel. Frank was afterwards 
sold to a cotton planter. 

I will relate one circumstance, which shows the little 
regard that is paid to the feelings of the slave. During 
the time that Mr. Isaiah Rogers was superintending the 
building of a rice machine, one of the slaves complained 
of a severe toothache. Swan asked Mr. Rogers to take 
his hammer and knock out the tooth. 

There was a slave on the plantation named Ben, a 
waiting man. I occupied a room in the same hut, and 
had frequent conversations with him. Ben was a kind- 
hearted man, and, I believe a Christian ; he would al- 
ways ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and vras 
in the constant practice of praving morning and night. — 
One day when I was at the hut, Ben was sent for to go 
to the house. Ben sighed deeply and went. He soon 
returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom 
one of Mr. Swan's daughters had ordered him to flog. 
He brought her into the room where I was, and told her 
to stand there while he went into the next room : I heard 
him groan again as he went. While there I heard his 
voice, and he was engaged in prayer. After a few min- 
utes he returned w^ith a large cow-hide, and stood before 
the girl without saying a word. I concluded he wished 


me to leave the hut, which I did ;. and immediately after 
I heard the girl scream. At every blow she would shriek. 
'^Do, Ben ! oh do, Ben !" This is a common expression 
of the slaves to the person whipping them: " Do, Mas- 
sa !" or, '^Do, Missus !" 

After she had gone, I asked Ben what she was whip- 
ped for : he told me she had done something to displease 
her young missus ; and in boxing her ears, and other- 
wise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a pin 
in the girPs dress, for which she sent her to be flogged, 
I asked him if he stripped her before flogging ; he saidy 
yes ; he did not like to do this, but was obliged to : he 
said he was once ordered to whip a woman, v\diich he 
did without stripping her : on her return to the house ^ 
her mistress examined her back ; and not seeing any 
marks, he was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped 
her : he replied that he had ; she said she saw no marks, 
and asked him if he had made her pull her clothes off : 
he said. No. She then told him, that v/hen he whipped- 
any more of the vromen, he must make them strip ofl" 
their clothes, as well as the men, and flo^r them on their 
bare backs, or he should be flogged himself, 

Ben often appeared very gloomy and sad : I have fre- 
quently heard him, when in^ his room, mourning over his 
condition, and exclaim, '' Poor African slave ! Poor Af- 
rican slave !" Whipping was so common an occurrence 
on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition to 
state the many and severe floggings I have seen inflicted 
on the slaves. They were flogged for not performing 
their tasks, for being careless, slow, or not in time, for 
going to the fire to warm, &lc. &c. , and it often seemed 
as if occasions were sought as an excuse for punishing 

On one occasion, I heard the overseer charge the 
hands to be at a certain place the next morning at sun- 
nse. I was present in the morning, in company with my 
brother, when the hands arrived. Joe, the slave already 
spoken of, came running, all out of .breath, about five 
minutes behind the time, when,, ^vithout asking any 


questions, the overseer told him to take off hisjacket. Joe 
took off his jacket. He had on a piece of a shirt ; he 
told him to take it off : Joe took it off : he then whipped 
him with a heavy cow-hide full six feet long. At every 
stroke Joe would spring from the gix)und, and scream, 
'^ O my God ! Do Massa Galloway !" My brother was 
so exasperated, that he turned to me and said, " If I 
were Joe, I would kill the overseer if I knew I should, be 
shot the next minute." 

In the winter the horn blew at about four in the morn- 
ing, and all the threshers were required to be at the 
threshing floor in fifteen minutes after. They had to go 
about a quarter of a mile from their quarters. Gallo- 
way would stand near the entrance, and all who did not 
come in time would get a blow over the back or head as 
heavy as he could strike. I have seen him, at such times, 
follow after them, striking furiously a number of blows, 
and every one followod by their screams. I have seen 
the women go to their w^ork after such a flogging, cry- 
ing and taking on most piteously. 

It is almost impossible to believe that human nature 
can endure such hardships and sufferings as the slaves 
have to go through: I have seen them driven into a ditch 
in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in order to put 
down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and 
there stand in the water among the ice until it was bail- 
ed out. I have often known the hands to be taken from 
the field, sent down the river in flats or boats to Wil- 
mington, absent from twenty-four to thirty hours, without 
any thing to eat, no provision being made for these occa- 

Galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of 
the slaves were sick, he could give it to them without 
sending for the physician; but he always kept a good 
look out that they did not sham sickness. When any of 
them excited his suspicions, he would make them take 
the medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap 
on the top of the head to make them swallow it. A man 
once came to him, of whom he said he was suspicious; 


he gave him two portions of salts, and fastened him in 
the stocks for the night. His medicine soon began to 
operate; and there he lay in all his fiUh until he luas ta- 
ken out the next day. 

One day^ Mr. Swan beat a slave severely, for alleged 
careiesness in letting a boat get adrift. The slave was 
told to secure the boat: whether betook sufficient means 
for this purpose I do not know; he was not allowed to 
make any defence. Mr. Swan called him up, and asked 
why he did not secure the boat; he pulled off his hat and 
began to tell his story. Swan told him he was a damned 
liar, and commenced beating him over the head w^ith a 
hickory cane, and the slave retreated backwards: Swan 
followed him about two rods, threshing him over the head 
with the hickory as he went. 

As I was one day standing near some slaves who 
were threshing, the driver, thinking one of the women 
did not use her flail quick enough, struck her over the 
head: the end of the whip hit her in the eye. I thought 
at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and 
doctoring for some days, she recovered. Speaking to 
him about it, he said that he once struck a slave so as to 
put one of her eyes entirely out. 

A patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave 
found off the plantation without a pass is whipped on the 
spot. I knew a slave who started v/ithout a pass, one 
night, for a neighboring plantation, to see his wife ; he 
was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. He stated his 
business so the patrol, who was well acquainted with him, 
but all to no purpose. I spoke to the patrol about it af- 
terwards; he said he knew the negro, that he was a very 
clever fellow, but he had to whip him; for, if he let him 
pass, he must another, 8cc. He stated that he had some- 
times caught and fl^ogged four in a night. 

In conversation with Mr. Swan about runaway slaves, 
he stated to me the following fact: — A slave, by the name 
of Luke, was owned in Wilmington; he was sold to a 
speculator and carried to Georgia. After an absence of 
about two months the slave returned ; he watched an op- 


portiinity to enter his old master's house when the family 
were absent, no one being at home but a young waiting 
man. Luke went to the room where his master kept his 
arms; took his gun, with some ammunition, and went in- 
to the w^oods. On the return of his master, the waiting 
man told him what had been done: this threw him into a 
violent passion; he swore he would kill Luke, or lose 
his own life. He loaded another gun, took two men, and 
made search, but could not find him; he then advertised 
him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or lodg- 
ed in jail. His neighbors, however, advised him to offer 
a reward of two hundred dollars for him dead or xilive, 
which he did. Nothinoj however was heard of him for 
some months. Mr. Swan said, one of his slaves ran 
away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return 
he said he had found Luke, and that he had a rifle, two 
pistols, and a sword. 

I left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the 
north; when I went out again, the next fall, I asked Mr. 
Swan if any thing had been heard of Luke; he said he 
was shot, and related to me the manner of his death, as 
follows: — Luke went to one of the plantations, and en- 
tered a hut for something to eat. Being fatigued, he sat 
down and fell asleep. 

To be Continued 

To Subscribers. — We have delayed to send out the 
January number of the Offering to give our friends an 
opportunity to send in their subscriptions that we might 
know how large an edition would be required. We 
now send out both the January and February Numbers 
together. Hereafter it will regularly appear by the 13th 
of each succeeding month. 



OuR Cause. — The Tenth Annual meeting of the Mas- 
sachusetts Anti-Slavery Society was held in this city on 
the 27th and 28th of January. They were, by far, the 
largest and most enthusiastic Anti-Slavery meetings ever 
held in this State. A most numerous delegation from 
all parts of this Commonwealth were in attendance. 
Many distinguished individuals from other States were 
present and contributed not a little to heighten the inter- 
est of its proceedings. 

On the evening of the second day of the meetings, the 
Society adjourned to the Representatives Hall, in the 
State-House. Before the hour of the meeting had ar- 
rived, the Hall was crowded to a jam. Hundreds, dur- 
ing the evening, sought admission, but in vain. Space 
will not allow us to go into details. It is only necessary 
to add that the meeting was eloquently addressed for 
more than three hours by Wendell Phillips, George Brad- 
burn, C. L. Remond, a colored man, N. P. Rogers, 
Frederick Douglass, a fugitive from Slavery, Col. J. 
P. Miller, of Vermont, J. C. Fuller, of New York, and 
Wm. L. Garrison. Their speeches were constantly inter- 
r«pted by bursts of applause. Strong resolutions in re- 
lation to Slavery and the general policy of our country, 
and also with respect to the course pursued by the church 
were unanimously adopted. Fanieul Hall, the old Cra- 
dle of Liberty, capable of holding FIVE THOUSAND, 
was granted for an anti-slavery meeting by the city au- 


thorities for Friday evening. The Hall vras crowded 
Wm. L. Garrison was called to the chair. 

This was as it should be. We have no fear but the 
present generation, even, will do him justice as regards 
the wonderful influence he has exerted for the abolition of 
slavery. More than TWO THOUSAND IRISH^NIEN 
were present. They came to listen to the thunder peals 
of the great Irish Liberator, Daniel O'Connell, and Fath- 
er Matthew, the great apostle of Temperance, and SIX- 
TY THOUSAND of their own countrymen in Ireland, 
calling upon the Irish in this country to discountenance 
slavery and to give their united influence for its imme- 
diate abolition. They were addressed by several of our 
most eloquent speakers, whose remarks w^ere so respond- 
ed to by the immense multitude that the v/alls of the ' ' old 
Cradle" were made to tremble. 

These meetings have carried terror into the Southland 
greatly excited the ire and the fears of our politicians. 
It is no marvel that it should, for in such numerous and 
spirited gatherings, slavery sees its destiny written as 
with a pen of fire. We have not room to give a skeleton 
even of these most interesting meetings. Those w^ho wish 
to know more of our proceedings must subscribe for the 
Liberator, w^here a full history of what is going on, as 
relates to slavery and anti-slavery, may be found. 



1. Its Origin. The relation of master and slave, like 
most other kinds of despotism, has its origin in war. By 
the confession of its warmest defenders, slavery is at best, 
but a substitute for homicide. 


Sa\'^ages take no prisoners, or thos^ they do take, they 
first torture, and then devour. But when the arts of life 
have made some progress, and the value of labor begins 
to be understood, it is presently discovered that to eat 
prisoners, is not the most profitable use to which they can 
be put. Accordingly their lives are spared ; and they 
are compelled to labor for the benefit of their captors. 
Such is the origin of slavery. 

It was formerly a practice in America to sell as slaves. 
such Indian prisoners as were captured during the fre- 
quent wars waged with the aboriginal inhabitants. But 
the great mass of those unfortunate persons held in ser- 
vitude throughout the Southern States, derive their ori- 
gin from another source. 

A Virginian planter deduces the legitimacy of his do- 
minion by the following process. Yourgreat-grand-moth- 
her being captured by a certain African prince, — in 
<i war, undertaken, doubtless, for the mere purpose of 
making prisoners, — was sold upon the coast of Guinea 
to a certain Yankee slave-trader ; and being transported 
by him to James Ri\^r, was there sold to a certain to- 
bacco planter. In time, your great-grand-mother died ; 
but she left children, to which as a part of her produce, 
the owner of the mother was justly entitled. From that 
owner, through divers alienations and descents, the title 
has passed to me ; and as you are descended from the 
woman above referred to, it is quite clear how perfectly 
reasonable and just my empire is. 

Whether in point of logic and morals, the above deduc- 
tion is completely satisfactory, is not now the question. 
The nature of the master^s claim is stated here, only as 
an assistance towards obtaining a clearer apprehension 
of the relations which must grow out of it. 

2. General Idea of a Slav£-holding Community, Sla- 
very then is a continuation of the state of war. It is true 
that one of the combattants is subdued and bound ; but 
the war is not terminated. If I do not put the captive to 
death, this apparent clemency does not arise from any 
good will towards himj or any extinction on my part of 


hostile feelings and intentions. I spare his life merely 
because I expect to be able to put him to a use more ad- 
vantageous to myself. And if the captive, on the other 
hand, feigns submission, still he is only watching for an 
opportunity to escape my grasp, and if possible to inflict 
upon me evils as great as those to which I have subject- 
ed him. 

War is justly regarded, and with the progress of civil- 
ization it comes every day more and more to be regarded, 
as the very greatest of social calamities. The introduc- 
tion of slavery into a community, amounts to an eternal 
protraction of that calamity, and a universal diffusion of 
it through the whole mass of society, and that, too, in its 
most ferocious form. 

When a country is invaded by a hostile army, within 
the immediate neighborhood of the camp, it becomes im- 
possible to make any effectual resistance. However 
fierce may be the hate with which they look upon the in- 
vaders, the inhabitants within the range of their scouting 
parties are obliged to submit. They are made to furnish 
wood, forage and provisions ; they are forced to toil in 
the entrenchment of the camp ; their houses are liable to 
be ransacked and plundered, and their women to be sub- 
jected to the lusts of the soldiers. Upon certain emer- 
gencies, the ablest bodied among them will be armed, 
surrounded by foreign squadrons, and obliged to fight 
against their ow^n countrymen. But though plundered 
without mercy, and liable to the most frightful injuries, 
yet as their services are valuable, and even necessary to 
the invaders, they must be allowed to retain the means of 
sustaining existence ; and if under all the discourage- 
ments to which they are subjected, they neglect or refuse 
to cultivate their fields, they must be driven to work at 
the point of the bayonet, lest the invaders might suffer 
from their negligence, and fall short of forage and provis- 

Now every plantation in the slave states is to be looked 
upon as the seat of a little camp, which overawes and 
keeps in subjection the surrounding peasantry. The ma s- 


ter claims and exercises over his slaves all the rights of 
war above described, and others yet more terrible. Con- 
sider too that this infliction is not limited to a single 
neighborhood, as in the case of an invading army, but 
is scattered and dilfused over the whole extent of the 
country ; nor is it temper ary^ as in the other case, but 
constant and perpetual. It is by taking a view like this, 
that we are enabled to form a primary, general, outline 
idea of the social condition of a slave-holding community, 

3. The Empire claimed by the Master. The relation of 
master and slave, as we may conclude from the forego- 
ing statements, is a relation purely of force and terror. 
Its only sanction is the power of the master ; its best se- 
curity, the fears of the slave. It bears no resemblance 
to any thing like a social compact. Mutual interest, 
faith, truth, honesty, duty, affection, good will, are not 
included, in any form whatever, under this relation. 

But let us descend somewhat into particulars, and in- 
quire more specifically, what is the nature of the empire 
claimed by the master. 

That empire is the most absolute and comprehensive 
which it is possible to imagine. The master considers 
his slaves as existing solely for liis benefit. He has pur- 
chased, and he possesses them for his o^\ti sake, not for 
theirs. His sole object is to obtain the greatest possible 
profit out of them. 

Perhaps to obtain this greatest profit, it may be neces- 
sary to feed them plentifully, and clothe them well, and 
to ailow^ them certain intervals of rest, and other like in- 
dulgences. If the master is of that opinion, he acts ac- 
cordingly. But in so acting he merely pursues his own 
advantage. If he adopted the contrary opinion, if he im- 
agines that he can save more by retrenchment than he 
can make by outlay, in that case he cuts down the allov/- 
ance of rest, food, and clothing, and endeavors to supply 
the deficiency by the stimulus of the lash. It is a mere 
matter of calculation either way ; not a question of mor- 
alsj but a mere problem of domestic economy. The 


slaves are not thought of as sentient beings, but as ma- 
chines to be kept in profitable operations. 

One who visits a slave-holding community, for the 
first time, if he have any feelings of humanity and any 
spirit of observation, is puzzled and shocked, by what ap- 
pears to him a series of distressing incongruities. Men 
who in their relations towards those whom they acknowl- 
edge as fellow citizens, fulfill with promptitude and ex- 
actness all the duties of benevolence and justice, in their 
conduct towards their slaves, often seem destitute of all 
human sympathies. 

This course of action results from the very position of 
a master ; and men naturally ofthe most benevolent dis- 
positions, become reconciled to it by force of custom and 
education. The soldier, frank, generous, warm-hearted, 
ready to share his last dollar with his comrade, from the 
moment he enters an enem_y's country becomes a violent, 
fierce, and brutal robber, v/ho plunders, whenever he has 
opportunity, without hesitation or remorse. 

It is exactly so with the master of slaves. His conduct 
towards his fellow-citizens, and towards his servants, is 
regulated by rules and considerations totally distinct. In 
making this distinction, he is supported by the laws of 
the land, and the dogmas of the church ; upheld by the 
example and countenance of his friends and neighbors ; 
and encouraged by the approbation, open or implied, of 
ail the world. If nobody finds fault with his conduct, 
why should he think of changing it ?■ Why relinquish a 
lordship and a revenue, which every body tells him he 
does right to retain ? 

The value of this lordship, and the amount of this rev- 
enue, would be nothing at all, if instead of looking stead- 
fastly, and with a single eye, to his own interest, the 
master should trouble himself about the well-being of his 
slaves. Their w^ell-being evidently requires the liberty 
on their part of pursuing their own happiness, according 
to their own notions of it ; and it clearly demands the 
disposal at their pleasure ofthe entire fruits of their own 
labor. That is, it requires the complete cessation of the 


master's empire. But it is impossible for the same thing 
to be and not to be at the same time ; so that whoever 
wishes to retain the character of a master, and to exer- 
cise the prerogatives which that character confirms and 
imphes, is driven, by an invincible necessity, to disregard 
the well-being of his slaves, and to consider solely his 
own profit. Whether indeed that profit is best promoted 
by retaining the character of master at all ; whether the 
master's interest, upon a full and comprehensive view of 
it, might not best be advanced by ceasing to be a master, 
is a question not now under discussion. 

But in communities where all are free, how many are 
there, who regard any interest except their own ? And 
wherein is the particular evil of slavery in this respect ? 

The peculiar evil of slavery consists in the very fact, 
that the slaves do not stand in this particular on a level 
with other men ; they are not allowed to pursue their 
own interest. Not only is the well-being of the slaves 
disregarded by the masters, it is deliberately sacrificed. 
Left to themselves, like other men, they would pursue 
their own happiness, v/ith success, less or greater. But 
their own happiness is a thing they are not suffered to 
pursue ; and if yielding to the instinctive impulses of na- 
ture, they make the attempt, they are thwarted and driv- 
en tack at every turn. Their ov/n comfort or pleasure 
is a thing they are not allowed to think of at all ; or to 
think of only at the risk of the lash. 

In free communities, selfishness itself is enlisted into 
the service of benevolence. In order to obtain favors, 
it is necessary to confer them. Mutual services are se- 
cured by the attraction of mutual interest. But mutuali- 
ty is a thing which slavery knows not. The master does 
not say, ^* Work for me, and I will give you in return 
v/herewith to feed and clothe yourself and family." 
^^ Work for me," he says, '' or I will torture you with 
the lash !" If the master supplies the slave with food 
and clothes, he does not do it by way of compensation 
far labor. It is a necessary expenditure, grudgingly laid 


out, in order to keep these human machines in motion. 
So far from being in the nature of a bargain or contract, 
slavery is nothing but violence upon one side, and com- 
pulsive obedience upon the other. 

To be Cordmued 

Testimony of Angelina Grimke Weld, 

Mrs. Weld is the youngest daughter of the late Judge 
Grimke, of the Supreme court of South Carolina, sister 
of the late Hon. Thomas S, Grimke, of Charleston, and 
now the wife of Theodore D. Weld. This testimony is 
peculiarly valuable inasmuch as it comes from one who 
was reared in the midst of Slavery and who is now an exile 
among strangers. 

"I think it important to premise, that I have seen almost 
nothing of slavery on plantations. My testimony will 
have respect exclusively to the treatment of '' house-ser- 
vants,^^ and chiefly those belonging to the first families 
in the city of Charleston, both in the religious and in the 
fashionable world. And here let me say, that the treat- 
ment of plantation slaves cannot be fully known, except 
by the poor sufferers themselves, and their drivers and 
overseers. In a mulHtude of instances, even the master 
can know very little of the actual condition of his ovmi 
iield-siaves, and his wife and daughters far less. A few 
facts concerning my own family will show this. Our 
permanent residence was in Charleston; our country- 
seat (Bellemont,) was 200 miles distant, in the north- 
western part of the state; where, for some years, our 
family spent a few months annually. Our plantation was 
three miles from this family mansion. There, all the 
iield-slaves lived and worked. Occasionally, once a 
month, perhaps, some of the family would ride over to 
the plantation, but I never visited the fields where the 
slaves icere at icorlc, and knew almost nothing of their 
condition; but this I do know, that the overseers who 
had charge of them, were generally unprincipled and 


intemperate men. But I rejoice to know, that the gene- 
ral treatment of slaves in that region of country, was far 
milder than on the plantations in the lower country. 

I saw nothing of slavery in its most vulgar and repul- 
sive forms. I saw it in the city, among the fashionable 
and the honorable, where it was garnished by refinement, 
and decked out for show. A few facts will unfold the 
state of society in the circle with which I w^as familiar, 
far better than any general assertions I can make. 

I will first introduce the reader to a woman of the high- 
est respectability — one who was foremost in every benev- 
olent enterprise, and stood for many years, I may say, 
at the head of the fashionable elite of the city of Charles- 
ton, and afterwards at the head of the moral and reli- 
gious female society there. It was after she had made a 
profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable 
world, that I knew her; therefore I w^ill present her in her 
religious character. This lady used to keep cow-hides, 
or small paddles, (called pancake sticks,) in four differ- 
ent apartments in her house; so that when she wished to 
punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, she might 
not have the trouble of sending for an instrument of tor- 

For many years, one or other, and often more of her 
slaves, were flogged every day ; particularly the young 
slaves about the house, whose faces were slapped, or 
their hands beat with the '' pancake stick," for every 
trifling offence — and often for no fault at all. But the 
floggings were not all ; the scoldings and abuse daily 
heaped upon them all, were worse : '^ fools" and '' liars," 
" sluts" and '' husseys," '' hypocrites" and '' good-for- 
nothing creatures," were the common epithets with which 
her mouth was filled, when addressing her slaves, adults 
as well as children. Very oflen she would take a posi- 
tion at her window, in an upper story, and scold at her 
slaves while working in the garden, at some distance 
from the house, (a large yard intervening,) and occasion- 
ally order a flogging. I have known her thus on the 
watch, scolding for more than an hour at a time, in so 


loud a voice that the whole neighborhood could hear her ; 
and this without the least apparent feeling of shame. In- 
deed, it was no disgrace among slave-holders, and did not 
in the least injure her standing, either as a lady or a 
Christian, in the aristocratic circle in which she moved. 
After the " revival" in Charlestown, in 1825, she opened 
her house to social prayer-meetings. Tharoom in which 
they were held in the evening, and where the voice of 
prayer was heard around the family altar, and where she 
herself retired for private devotion thrice each day, was 
the very place in which, when her slaves were to be 
whipped with the cowhide, they were taken to receive the 
infliction ; and the wail of the sufferer would be heard, 
where, perhaps only a few hours previous, rose the voi- 
ces of prayer and praise. This mistress would occasion- 
ally send her slaves, male and female, to the Charles- 
town work-house to be punished. One poor girl whom 
she sent there to be flogged, and who was accordingly 
stripped naked and whipped, showed me the deep gashes 
on her back — I might have laid my whole finger in them 
— lar^e pieces of flesh had actually been cut out by the tor- 
turing lash. She sent another female slave there, to be 
imprisoned and worked on the tread-mill. This girl was 
confined several days, and forced to work the mill while 
in a state of suffering from another cause. For ten days 
or two weeks after her return, she was lame, from the 
violent exertion necessary to enable, her to keep the step 
on the machine. She spoke to me with intense feeling of 
this outrage upon her, as a woman. Her men-servants 
were sometimes flogged there; and so exceedingly offen- 
sive has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated backs, for 
days after the infliction, that they would be kept out of the 
house — the smell arising from their wounds being too 
horrible to be endured. They were always stiff" and sore 
for some days, and not in a condition to be seen by visit- 

This professedly Christian woman was a most awful il- 
lustration of the ruinous influence of arbitrary pow er up- 
on the temper — her bursts of passion over the heads of 


her victims were dreaded even by her own children, and 
very often all the pleasures of social intercourse around 
the domestic board, was destroyed by her ordering the 
cook into her presence, and storming at him, when the 
dinner or breakfast was not prepared to her taste, and in 
the presence of all her children, commanding the waiter 
to slap his face. Fault-finding, was with her the con- 
stant accompaniment of every meal, and banished that 
peace which should hover around the social board, and 
smile on every face. It was common for her to order 
brothers to whip their own sisters, and sisters their own 
brothers, and yet no woman visited among the poor more 
than she did, or gave more liberally to relieve their wants. 
This may seeem perfectly unaccountable to a northerner^ 
but these seeming contradictions vanish when we consid- 
er that over them she possessed no arbitrary power, they 
were always presented to her mind as unfortunate suffer- 
ers, towards whom her sympaties most freely flowed ; 
she was ever ready to wipe the tears from their eyes, 
and open wide her purse to their relief, but the others 
were her vassals, thrust down by public opinion beneath 
her feet, to be at her beck and call, ever ready to serve 
in all humility, her, whom God in his providence had set 
over them — it was their duty to abide in abject submis- 
sion, and hers to compel them to do so — it was thus that 
she reasoned. Except at family prayers, none were per- 
mitted to sit in her presence, but the seamstresses and 
waiting maids, and they, however delicate might be 
their circumstances, were forced to sit upon low stools, 
without backs, that they might be constantly reminded of 
their inferiority. A slave who waited in the house, was 
guilty on a particular occasion of going to visit his wife, 
and kept dinner waiting a little, (his wife was the slave 
of a lady who lived at a little distance.) When the fam- 
ily sat dow^n to the table, the mistress began to scold the 
waiter for the offence — he attempted to excuse himself — 
she ordered him to hold his tongue — he ventured another 
apology ; her son then rose from the table in a rage, 
and beat the face and ears of the waiter so dreadfully 


that the blood gushed from his mouth, and nose, and 
ears. This mistress was a professor of religion ; her 
daughter who related the circumstance, was a fellow 
member of the Presbyterian church with the poor outraged 
slave — instead of feeling indignation at this outrageous 
abuse of her brother in the church, she justified the deed, 
and said '' he got just what he deserved." I solemnly 
believe this to be a true picture of slaveholding Religion. 

Narrative of Nehemiah Caulkins. 

Continued from page 16. 

There was only a woman in the hut at the time; as 
soon as she found he was asleep, she ran and told her 
master, who took his rifle, and called two white men on 
another plantation: the three, with their rifles, then went 
to the hut, and posted themselves in different positions, 
so that they could watch the door. When Luke walked 
up he went to the door to look out, and saw them with 
their rifles, he stepped back and raised his gun to his 
face. They called to him to surrender; and stated that 
they had him in their power, and said he had better give 
up. He said he would not: and if they tried to take him, 
he would kill one of them; for, if he gave up, he knew 
they would kill him, and he was determined to sell his 
life as dear as he could. They told him, if he should 
shoot one of them, the other two would certainly kill him: 
he replied, he was determined not to give up, and kept 
his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle 
was turned toward one, another, standing in a different 
direction, shot him through the head, and he fell lifeless 
to the ground. 

There was another slave shot while I was there ; this 
man had run away, and had been living in the woods a 
long time, and it was not known where he was, till one 
day he was discovered by two men, who went on the 
large island near Belvidere to hunt turkeys ; they shot 
him and carried his head home. 


It is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pur- 
sue and catch ran away slaves. I was once bitten by 
one of them. I went to the overseer'^s house, the dog 
lay in the piazza, as soon as I put my foot upon the floor, 
he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not se- 
verely ; he tore my pantaloons badly. The overseer apol- 
ogized for his dog, saying he never knew him to bite a 
white man before. He said he once had a dog, when he 
lived on another plantation, that was very useful to him 
in hunting runaway negroes. He said that a slave on 
the plantation once ran away ; as soon as he found the 
course he took, he put the dog on the track, he soon 
came so close to him that the man had to climb a tree ; 
he followed with his gun, and brought the slave home. 

The slaves have a great dr^ad of being sold and car- 
ried south. It is generally said, and I have no doubt of 
its truth, that they are much worse treated farther south. 

The following are a few among the many facts related 
to me while I lived among the slaveholder. The names 
of the planters and plantations, I shall not give, as theij 
did not come under my own observation. I however place 
the fullest confidence in their truth. 

A planter not far from Mr. Swan's employed an over- 
seer to whom he paid 400 a year ; he became dissatis- 
fied with him, because he did not drive the slaves hard 
enough, and get more work out of them. He therefore 
sent to South Corolina, or Georgia, and got a man to 
whom_ he paid I believe 800 a year. He proved to be a cru- 
el fellow, and drove the slaves almost to death. There was 
a slave on this plantation, who had repeatedly runaway, 
and had been severely flogged every time. The last 
time he w^as caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and 
he buried up to the chin, his arms being secured down 
by his sides. He was kept in this situation four or five 

The following was told me by an intimate friend ; it 
took place on a plantation containing about one hundred 
slaves. One day the owner ordered the women into the 
barn, he then went in among them, whip in hand, and 


told them he meant to flog them all to death ; they be- 
gan immediately to cry out '' What have I done, Massa ?" 
What have I done Massa ?" He replied ; '' D — n you. 
I will let you know what you have done, you don't breed. 
I haven't had a young one from one of you for several 
months." They told him they could not breed while 
they had to work in the rice ditches. (The rice grounds 
are low and marshy, and have to be drained, and while 
digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to work 
in mud and water from one to two feet in depth ; they 
were obliged to draw up and secure their frocks about 
their waist, to keep them out of the water, in this man- 
ner they had frequently to work from daylight in the 
morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) 
After swearing and threatening for some time, he told 
them to tell the overseer's wife, when they got in that 
way, and he would put them them upon the land to 

This same planter had a female slave who was a mem- 
ber of the Methodist Church ; for a slave she was intel- 
ligent and conscientious. He proposed a criminal inter- 
course with her. She would not comply. He left her 
and sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flog- 
ged. It was done. Not long after, he renewad his pro- 
posal. She again refused. She was again whipped. 
He then told her why she had been twice flogged, and 
told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. 
The girl seeing that her case was hopeless, her back 
smarting with the scourging she had received, and dread- 
ing a repetition, gave herself up to be the victim of his 
brutal lusts. 

One of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to 
a child which lived but two or three weeks. After its 
death the planter called the v>^oman to him, and asked 
her how she came to let the child die ; said it was all 
owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her 
for it. She told him with all the feeling of a mother, the 
circumstances of its death. But her story availed her 
nothing against the savage brutality of her master. She 


was severely whipped. A healthj child four months old 
was then considered w^orth 100 in North Carolina. 

The foregoing facts were related to me by Vvhite per- 
sons of character and respectability. The following fact 
was related to me on a plantation where I have spent 
considerable time and where the punishment was inflict- 
ed. I have no doubt of its truth. A slave ran away 
from his master, and got as far as Newborn. He took 
provisions that lasted him a week ; but having eaten 
all, he went to a house to get something to satisfy his 
hunger. A white man suspecting him to be a runaway, 
demanded his pass : as he had none he was seized and 
put in Newborn jail. He was there advertised, his des- 
cription given, &c. His master sav/ the advertisement 
and sent for him ; when he was brought back, his 
wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. 
A stick was then passed over his arms and under his 
knees, and he secured in this manner, his trowsers v/ere 
then stripped down, and he turned over on his side, and 
severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over on the 
other side, and then turned back again, and tortured by 
another bruising and beating. He was afterwards kept 
in the stocks a week, and whipped every morning. 

To show^ the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how 
it covers \\4th moral filth every thing it touches, I will 
state two or three facts, which I have on such evidence 
I cannot doubt their truth. A planter offered a white 
man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of 
his femaje slaves, whom he would get into the family 
way. This offer was no doubt made for the purpose of 
improving the stock, on the same principle that farmers 
endeavor to improve their cattle by crossing the breed. 

Slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city, 
often hire their own time, for which they pay various 
prices per w^eek or month, according to the capacity of 
the slave. The females who thus hire their time, pur- 
sue various modes to procure the money ; their masters 
making no inquiry how they get it provided the money 
comes. If it is not regularly paid they are flogged. 


Some take in washing, some cook on board vessels, pick 
oakum, sell peanuts, Stc, while others, younger and 
more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. I knew 
a man from the north who, though married to a respecta- 
ble southern woman, kept two of these mulatto girls in 
an upper room at his store ; his wife told some of her 
friends that he had not lodged at home for two weeks to- 
gether, I have seen these two kept misses, as they are 
called, at his store ; he was afterwards stabbed in an at- 
tempt to arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten 

The clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting 
influence of slavery, and their moral courage is borne 
down by it. Not the hypocritical and unprincipled alone, 
but even such as can hardly be supposed to be destitute 
of sincerity. 

Going one morning to the Baptist Sunday school, in 
Wilmington, in which I was engagad, I fell in with the 
Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, who was going to the Presbyte- 
rian school I asked him how he could bear to see the 
little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and 
running about the streets, as we then saw them, their 
moral condition entirely neglected, while the whites 
were so carefully gathered into the schools. His reply 
was substantially this : — *' I can't bear it, Mr. Caulkins. 
I feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what 
can I do ? My hands are tied." 

Now% if Mr. Hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as 
a servant of Hi3i who never failed to rebuke sin in high 
places, what shall be said of those clergymen at the 
north, where the power that closed his mouth is compar- 
atively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how God 
abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouths 
on this subject, but to denounce the friends of emanci- 
pation, thus giving the strongest support to the accursed 
system of slavery. I believe Mr. Hunt has since be- 
come an agent of the Temperance Society. 


No. I. 

Cause of Emancipation ------- ---1 

Story of Lila -- 5 

Nehemiah Caulkins 10 

No. II. 

Our Cause 17 

Slavery ------ 18 

Testimony of Angelina Grimke Weld 21 

Nehemiah Caulkins 28 

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To the Contribiitoris and Collectors of 
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VOL. II.] 



— «®^— 

INO. III. i 





Postage, under 100 miles, IJ cts. — overlOO 2 1-2 cti. 

' t^ 







4. Means of enforcing the Master'' s Empire. To sustain 
an empire of the kind above described, it is evident that 
the most vigorous means must be essential. 

The means employed are chiefly three, to wit : Jorce, 
fear, fraud; and according to the different tempers, tal- 
ents, habits, and notions of the master, one or the other 
of these three m.eans is made the key of his system. 

I. Force. Those masters whose tempers are harsh, vi- 
olent, and brutal, especially those who have never been 
softened by education, and who are strangers to the re- 
finements of cultivated life, and others who are endowed 
with a firm, decided vigor, that moves directly to the point, 
and by the shortest way, rely principally upon force. 

Is the slave late in coming into the field ? Twenty lashes. 
Is he idle ? Thirty lashes. Does he disobey or neglect 
an order ? Forty lashes. Does he negligently waste or 
destroy his master's property? Fifty lashes. Is he detected 
in a lie } Sixty lashes. Is he strongly suspected ofthefl ? 
Seventy lashes. Does he say or do any thing that can be 
construed into insolence ? Eighty lashes. Is he guilty of 
the slightest act of insubordination ? One hundred lashes. 
Does he venture to run away t Let him be pursued by men 
and dogs, disabled by small shot, and so soon as he is ta- 
ken, be flogged till he faints, then be worked in chains, 
locked up every night, and kept on half allowance, till 
his spirits are broken, and he becomes obedient and 
contented. Should he dare, upon any occasion, to offer 
any resistance ^ Let him be shot, stabbed, beat to the 
ground with a club ; and should he not be killed in the 
process, as soon as he is so far recovered as to be able to 
stand, let him be subjected to all the discipline mentioned 
in the preceding sentence, and in addition, be flogged ev- 
ery night, for thirty days in succession. 



Such is a brief specimen of this system of plantation 
management, which some call cruel, but which those who 
follow it, merely describe as vigorous and efficient. 

II. Fear. But there are many men, naturally soft-heart- 
ed, who cannot look without some feelings of sympathet- 
ic pain, or at least of instinctive disgust, upon the body 
of an old man, or a woman perhaps, cut up with the lash, 
and scored with bloody gashes. The screams and out- 
cries of the victims affect them disagreeably. They lack 
that harsh, unfeeling vigor, that stern promptitude, tyran- 
ny's steadiest and most efficient support. They endeav- 
or to avoid the actual use of the whip, and to govern as 
far as possible, by the fear of it. They utter most tre- 
mendous threats, and strive to supply by bitter and 
alarming words, the place of action. But words, when 
they are found to be intended only as scare-crows, soon 
lose their efficacy. It is therefore necessary to maintain 
a steady stream, and the master who governs upon this 
wordy plan, soon comes to keep both himself and his 
slaves in a constant state of irritation and ill-feeling, by 
a process of fault-finding, scolding and threats, which be- 
comes a habit, and goes on from morning to night, from 
day to day, from one year's end to another. 

The slaves, who are thus made to feel every moment 
the weight of tyranny, and the humiliation of servitude, 
contract towards these snarling masters the sincerest 
hate; and from hating, being soon satisfied that with all 
their bluster, they have not the vigor to act up to their 
threats, they come presently to despise them. "Whether 
they do well or ill, it is much the same, the master scolds 
on by habit ; but though he scolds, as yet he does not 
punish; and the bolder among the slaves soon begin to 
try experiments upon his patience. They are encourag- 
ed by the impunity of first transgressions to take great- 
er and greater liberties. Their example finds imitators, 
till presently the whole plantation falls into a state of idle- 
ness and insubordination, which cannot be longer over- 
looked or endured. 

The master must now give up the hope of revenue 


from his slaves, or he must re-establish his authority. 
He begins with moderate whippings. But his first at- 
tempts in this way are laughed at, or perhaps resisted. 
He is alarmed and inflamed. Anger and fear supply a 
vigor he does not naturally possess. He storms and 
raves; flogs without mercy; shoots, stabs, chains, impris- 
ons, starves, tortures. His nature seems to be changed, 
and for a while he acts out the tyrant, in the most vin- 
dictive spirit of despotism. The slaves bend and bow^ be- 
neath this whirlwind of tyranny. The most turbulent and 
unmanageable, — ^those of them at least, who have esca- 
ped with their lives, — are sent ofl'and sold; and present- 
ly things subside into their former state. The master 
grows ashamed of his violence, and perhaps endures some 
twinges of remorse; the lash is disused, and the tongue 
supplies its place. The discipline of the plantation is 
presently relaxed ; the servants become idle and insubor- 
dinate as before ; but this flattering calm cannot be relied 
upon; a new storm of tyranny is secretly brewing, which 
will burst at a moment when it is least expected. 

III. Fraud. There are some masters, who pride them- 
selves upon their cunning and superior knowledge of hu- 
man nature, who make considerable use of fraud, in the 
management of their slaves ; but this is a means employ- 
ed only occasionally, and of which the efficacy is net 

One of the most usual applications of it, is the attempt 
to take advantage of the religious feelings of the slaves, 
and to impress them with the idea, that obedience, hon- 
esty towards their masters, humble submission, and oth- 
er like plantation virtues, are religious duties, which God 
commands under the penalty of damnation. 

This stratagem is chiefly practiced by slave-holding 
clergymen and church-members. The religious people 
of the South have been at the pains of preparing a slave 
catechism ; in some places they have established slave 
Sunday schools; and meetings for slave-worship are reg- 
ularly held. The immediate agents in these proceedings, 
are generally men of good intentions, but of very feeble 


understandings. They are mere tools in the hands of 
crafty hypocrites. The motive of their labors is doubt- 
less the spiritual welfare of the slaves; but those by 
v/hom they are supported and encouraged, however ten- 
der a regard they may have for the salvation of their own 
souls, look upon religion among slaves merely as a means 
of plantation discipline ; and please themselves with the 
idea that the more religious their slaves are, the easier 
they may be managed. 

The agents employed in this double service of Chris- 
tianity and despotism, often succeed in kindling a warm 
spirit of devotion in the hearts of the slaves ; but they 
have often occasion to deplore the inconsistency, the 
back-sliding, the delusion of their converts, who cannot 
be made to realize in its full extent, the enormous sinful- 
ness of any attempt to elude that tyranny under which 
Providence requires them patiently, and even joyfully to 

Deeply sympathyzing with the sad, and almost angry 
feelings, with which these pious people are accustomed 
to lament the small success of their labors, and to accuse 
that stony-heartedness and inherent depravity which pre- 
vents even the converted slaves from attaining to the per- 
fection of humility and obedience, the remark neverthe- 
less may with all due deference, be permitted, — that so 
long as these pious teachers are able to construe the gen- 
erous precepts of the gospel into an apology and a 
justification for tyranny, it cannot be considered very 
surprising that their pupils among the slaves, should in- 
stinctively acquire the art of reconciling with Christian 
patience and submission, any and every means, whereby 
they can shake off, alleviate, or elude the usurped author- 
ity of their masters. 

But this piece of pious fraud is falling into bad odor at 
the South. It has been found that religion causes an ex- 
citement among the slaves, both jiangerous and trouble- 
some. The rascals preach and pray when they ought to 
be working. Besides, that religious enthusiasm, which 
kindles so readily in the most ignorant as well as the 


most cultivated minds, gives rise to a dangerous exalta- 
tion of soul wkich makes the subjects of it obstinate and 
unmanageable. Religion once awakened in such savage 
^nd untaught bosoms, is apt to degenerate into a super- 
stitious fanaticism. The gifted and the artful begin to 
see visions, and to dream dreams. They are not content 
with being hearers and pupils, they aspire to be speakers 
and teachers. In their sermons and exhortations, it is 
the vices, the luxury, the cruelty, the wickedness of the 
masters, upon which they principally dwell, and whence 
they draw examples and illustrations ; and who knows 
but some one more enraptured than the rest, may imag- 
ine himself called, like Moses of old, to smite the task- 
master, and to lead forth the oppressed children ? 

For these reasons, the Bible has been proscribed at 
the South, as an incendiary publication ; a book not fit 
for slaves to read or hear. In some parts of the country 
the catechism is looked upon with almost equal suspi- 
cion; and many masters forbid their slaves to hear B.ny^ 
preacher, black or white, since they consider religion 
upon a plantation as quite out of place, a thing danger- 
ous to the master's authority, and therefore not to be en- 
dured in the slave. 

Another stratagem, occasionally employed, when it is 
desired to stimulate the efforts of the slaves, is the dis- 
tribution of little prizes among those who accomplish the 
greatest labor in the shortest time. This contrivance 
works wonderfully well for a few days ; but as soon as it 
is discovered who are the ablest workmen, the emulation 
is confined to them, and the greater number, who have 
no chance to win the prize, presently relapse into their 
former apathy. Besides, this distribution of prizes, is 
apt to give rise among the slaves, to the inconvenient no^ 
tion, that they ought to be paid for working, and the mo- 
ment it ceases, they v/ork more grudgingly, unwillingly 
and negligently than ever. Moreover it is expensive ; 
in the minds of most planters, a decisive objection against 

But there are cases when force and terror cannot be 


employed, or fail to answer the purpose,- and where strat- 
agem is necessarily resorted to. The most common of 
these cases, are the detection and prevention of theft,. 
and the recovery of runaways. 

Upon these occasions, the most respectable and reli- 
' gious masters do not hesitate to descend to every petty 
art of fraud and falsehood. They have hired spies, and 
informers among the slaves ; they blacken their own fa- 
ces, and lurk in disguise about the cabins, peeping 
through the cracks, and listening at the doors. They 
lure the fugitives back into their power, by the most am- 
pie promises of pardon, which they break with as little 
hesitation as they make them. Not uncommonly they 
attempt to take advantage of the superstitious ignorance 
of the slaves, and pretend to magical and supernatural 
powers, in hopes of frightening the culprit into confession. 
They exult over the success of these fraudulent arts ; and 
in .all transactions with their slaves, their total want of 
Jirespect for their own word has given ample occasion for 
the proverb common among the unprivileged class, which 
describes white men as " mighty uncertain." 

Of the three principal means above enumerated, and 
briefly explained, upon which the sustentation of the 
slave-master's empire depends, it is evident that the first 
involves the second; for the surest way of striking a deep 
terror into the heart is, to punish every transgression 
with a stern and unrelenting severity. 

It accordingly happens that those who act upon this 
plan, not only have the least trouble upon their planta-^ 
tions, but are often comparatively popular, so to speak, 
with their servants. The certainty of punishment great- 
ly diminishes the necessity of its frequent infliction. The 
slaves know exactly what to expect ; how far they can 
go ; and what is the limit they cannot safely transgress. 
If the rule is an iron one^ it is nevertheless steady and 
.. sure. It does not partake of that uncertainty, which be- 
sides being a dangerous temptation, is in itself one of the 
greatest of evils. Slaves are like other men; and in gen- 
eral they far prefer to take a punishment, and have it 


over, to being perpetually scolded, threatened, cursed 
and stormed at, even though there may be hope that the 
storm will end in words, and pass over without raining 

But this regular and systematic discipline^ resembling 
the despotic precision of a well drilled army, is to be 
found only upon a very few plantations. Most masters 
and most overseers are too negligent, or too good-humor- 
ed for their business, or else are ignorant of the real na- 
ture, and only sure support of the authority they exer- 
cise. They overlook some offences because they do not 
want the trouble of punishment ; some they permit to go 
unnoticed, because they hate to flog a woman or a 
child; some allowances they make for the petulance of 
old age, or the hot temper of youth. But every liberty 
that goes unpunished is made a pretence for yet greater 
liberties ; the slaves, always eager and watchful to re- 
gain any particle of freedom, perceive in an instant, and 
with unerring sagacity, every indication of weakness, or 
want of vigor on the part of their master ; they artfully ' 
break, now this link, and now that, from their chains ; 
till at length, beginning to feel something of the spirit of 
liberty, their '' insolence," to use the master's phrase, 
becomes intolerable, and waking from his dream of in- 
dulgence and good nature, their despot is obliged to vin- 
dicate his authority, and to repress the licentiousness of 
his slaves, hy^ a sudden outbreak of violence and cruelty, 
which, however, he may excuse it by the plea of necessi- 
ty, he cannot think of, in his sober moments, without 
some disagreeable feelings of self-condemnation. 

Thus it is that the greater part of Southern planta- 
tions are the scenes of a constant struggle ; idleness, en- 
croachments, a passive resistance upon one side ; negli- 
gence and yielding first, then passion, violence and cru- 
elty upon the other. Despotism 171 America. 


C'Ommoaweaith of Massachusetts. 

In Senate, Fee. 22. 1842. 
The Joint Special Committee to whom was committed 
the petition of Francis Jackson and others, and sun- 
dry other petitioners, for a law securing to colored per- - 
sons equal rights in railroad accommodation : — also 
the remonstrance of Joseph Nunn and sundry others, 
of Salem, respectfully submit the subjoined 

The circumstances which give rise to these petitions, 
are matters of common notoriety throughout the State. 
While some of the rail-road corporations (as for example, 
the Western, Nashua, Boston and Portland, Norwich, 
Lowell and Worcester,) make no distinction among the 
passengers, but permit every well-behaved person to 
purchase such ticket, whether of the second or first class, 
as they choose, and then select the car and seat which 
suit them; others, — which are the Eastern Rail-road, 
^ Taunton and New-Bedford, and Providence, — while they 
in some cases demand of the colored man theii' highest 
price, place him either, as on the Salem road, in a de- 
cently furnished car by himself, or, as in other cases, in 
cars oftentimes neither decent nor comfortable, and, ac- 
cording to circumstances, exposed to the inclemencies of 
the season. The petitioners ask for some action on the 
part of the Legislature, by which the making of this dis- 
tinction between colored and other citizens, shall be for- 
bidden by law, and prevented by penalty. They base 
their request, not on the supposition that the colored man 
is not as well treated as his white fellow-citizen, but on 
the broad principle, that the Constitution allows no dis- 
, tinction in the public privileges among the different class- 
es of citizens of this Commonwealth. 

That the distinction is made in the cases referred to, 
admits of no doubt. That it is a violation of his rights as 
a citizen, is equally undeniable : — that it is a disability 
which would be an insult to any white man, and which 
the whole nation would be ready to vindicate, at the ex- 


pense of her best blood and greatest treasure. It is in- 
consistent with that part of the first article of the declara- 
tion of rights in the Constitution of our State, which de- 
clares '' that ail men are born free and equal, and have 
certain natural, essential and unalienable rights, among 
which may be reckoned," '' that of acquiring, possessing 
and protecting property;" and ''that of seeking and ob- 
taining their safety and happiness." The delay and dif- 
ficulty the colored man experiences in travelling in pub- 
lic conveyances, frequently interfere with his acquiring 
property, when he wishes to pass from place to place on 
business. It interferes with his happiness when he trav- 
els for pleasure, and he is deprived of the Society of his 
friends, if they chance to be of a different complexion. 

The only questions for consideration seem to be, 
whether this matter lies within the authority of the Leg- 
islature, and whether any interference on its part is 
called for. 

That it is the duty, as well as the right of the Legis- 
lature, to secure to each citizen, not only his own 
strict rights, but also the greatest possible benefit, con- 
sistent with justice and the public good, is not to be ques- 
tioned. These roads exist, and derive all their rights 
and privilege's from the authority of the Legislature. 
They are certainly to be regarded, as far as the citizens 
are concerned, as public highways, to the equal use of 
which, on certain conditions, every citizen is alike enti- 
tled. Responsible to the Legislature for their proceed- 
ings, as appears by their being required to' exhibit an an- 
nual report of their doings, they are to be regarded in 
some sense as public servants, and imperatively bound 
to use the powers intrusted to them as much for the pub- 
lic benefit as their own, in accordance with the spirit of 
our institutions and the laws of the Commonwealth. Any 
invidious distinction between different classes of citizens, 
in consequence of difference in opinion, sex, color, sect, 
or other rightful and innocent peculiarity, is manifestly op- 
posed to the spirit of our institutions. If passengers were 
separated because of difference in religious belief ; if, on 


the common highway, certain persons were not permit- 
ted to travel without appearing in a particular dress, it 
would be regarded as ridiculous, and an intolerable nuis- 
ance to be immediately abated. Is color any more legal 
or reasonable ground of such distinction than creed ? 
Massachusetts, through her whole code, with one excep- 
tion, makes no distinction on account of color among her 
citizens. Her schools, her jurybox, her official situa- 
tions, are all open to all complexions. The word white, 
except in the milita, where she acknowledges the au- 
thority of the United States Constitution, and the in- 
stance just named, is not found in her statute book. 
Why should she allow corporations a power which she 
will not trust in her own courts ! How shall the State 
be justified in allowing others to make differences in re- 
gard to her citizens, which she does not presume to 
make herself? If it should be objected, these by-laws 
are like the rules of social life, with which the law has 
nothing to do ; we answer, these corporations are estab- 
lished by State authority, supported in some cases by 
State loans, protected always and specially by legislation, 
and their accommodations are a right, and not, like 
social enjoyments, a privilege : the equal right of all, not 
the peculiar privilege of any. 

If it should be objected that the regulation of matter of 
taste, which the feelings of the majority of the communi- 
ty require, — we answer, individual taste is no criterion of 
rights; and even if the majority do agree in this particu- 
lar, our institutions were established for the very purpose 
of protecting minorities from the tastes of the majorities. 
That no real reason even of this kind exists, is evident 
from the fact that the majority of the rail-roads, and those 
too the largest, make no such distinction, and experience 
no inconvenience from the absence of it. Besides, even 
where this distinction has been made on some roads, 
your Committee are informed that slaves have been per- 
mitted to ride with their masters unmolested, where a free 
colored person is refused a place. That, under certain 
Tcircumstances, color can be dispensed with; and there- 


fore that such exclusion is unreasonable and unnecessary. 
Your Committee are of opinion that the rail-road cor- 
porations would most cheerfully submit to any regulation 
in this matter that should be agreeable to the Legislature. 
The Eastern rail-road company forbid a white man to 
take a seat in the car devoted to the use of the colored 
people ; we can see in this nothing but an unnecessary 
assumption of authority, which the people of this Com- 
monwealth will not acquiesce in. If any shall object to 
taking action upon this subject because custom con- 
trary to law will not be unnoticed by our courts of jus- 
tice, and therefore an adequate remedy exists already 
for any person injured by these regulations ; we would 
say, that in many cases where rights were clear at com- 
mon law, the Legislature has still enacted special statutes 
to secure the observance of such rights, and protect them 
by penalties. As a case in point, we notice the protec- 
tion of these very rail-roads from tresspass by persons 
and cattle. Many criminal statutes are directed against 
cases which had long been known as offences at common 
law. Your Committee are informed that in one case at 
least before the Supreme Court of this Commonwealth, 
under circumstances of much hardship, the Judge per- 
mitted the prevalence of this custom of excluding colored 
men from the same accommodations with white passen- 
gers, to be given in evidence before the jury as defence 
against the party's claim for damages — ^the case of a 
Brazilian officer, whose invalid wife had been refused 
decent accommodations on board one of our steamboats, 
some few years since, because she was in part of African 
descent. The prevalence of this custom was pleaded by 
the company against his claim of damages, and that suc- 
cessfully. The irritation of feeling v/hich such regula- 
tions produce, tending to constant breaches of the peace, 
is another reason for legislative action. We need only 
allude to the recent cases that have occurred in proof of 
this. Our courts recognize a limitation in the almost sa- 
cred freedom of the press, when it amounts to libel, be- 
cause th«n it tends to breach of the peace, — certainly 


this instance of the same and still more imminent danger 
of that result, calls as loudly for the interference of the 
law. Certainly it cannot be out of the sphere of our du- 
ties to attempt such legislation as shall secure to all the 
inhabitants of the State the enjoyment of every right con- 
sistent with justice and the Constitution. The Commit- 
tee unanimously report the accompanying bill. 

Per order. S. SPRAGUE, Jr 

Relating to the Rights of Rail-Road Passengers. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority 
of the same, as follows : 

Sec. 1. No rail-road corporation shall, by themselves, 
their directors, or others, make or establish any by-law 
or regulation, which shall make any distinction, or give 
a preference in accommodation to any one or more per- 
sons over others, on account of descent, sect, or color. 

Sec. 2. Any officer or servant of any rail-road corpo- 
ration, who shall assault any person for the purpose of 
depriving him of his right or privilege, in any car or oth- 
er rail-road accommodation, on account of descent, sect, 
or color, or shall aid or abet any other person, in com- 
^mitting such assault, shall be punished by imprisonment 
in the county jail not less than six days, or by fine not 
less than ten dollars ; and shall also be answerable to the 
person assaulted, to the full amount of his damage in an 
action of tresspass. 

From the Madison County Abolitionist. 
Keep it before the People- 
That there are 2,500,000 slaves in the United States. 
That these are bought and sold like cattle in the market 
That in 1836, Virginia sold 60,000 of her own children, 
at a valuation of ^24,000,000, ^ 


Keep it before the People — That slavery has twenty- 
five representatives upon the floor of Congress, as the 
representatives o^ property. 

Keep it before the People — That Ohio, under the old ra- 
tio of representation, with a free population of 200,000 
more than Virginia, had two members less than Virginia. 
Keep it before the People — That Pennsylvania, with a free 
population, equal almost to South Carolina, Georgia, 
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Kentucky, will have, 
according to the new ratio, say 60,000, twenty-eight rep- 
resentatives, while these states will have forty-three ! 

Keep it before the People — That New York, with a pop- 
ulation of 2,428,919, is to have forty representatives, 
while the thirteen slave States, with a free population of 
less than double that of New York, will have ninety- 
seven representatives in Congress ! 

Keep it before the People — That the free population of 
the North, is 9,653,762; and will have on the floor of 
Congress, one hundred and fifty-four representatives; 
while the South, with a free population of 4,812,873 — 
less than half — is to have ninety-seven ! Whereas, if the 
ratio of representation was based upon free population 
only, their number would be seventy-three. 

Keep it before the People — That the distribution of the 
revenue, from the sale of the public lands, say ^3,000,- 
000 per annum, is made according to the electoral vote, 
instead of the free population. So that the slave States re- 
ceive, for a free population less than half in number to 
those of the free States, twice as much of the revenue, in 
proportion to the population. 

Instance — Free population of the free States, 9,653,- 
762. Dividend, $1,815,026. 

Free population of the slave States, 4,812,873. Divi- 
dend, ^1,181,702. 

The injustice of this division may be clearly seen, when 
it is remembered that of the money thus distributed, the 
people of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan get, to 
each inhabitant, 18 1-8 cents; while South Carolina gets 
32 1-6; Georgia, 28; Alabama, 28; Louisana, 28; Ken- 


tucky, 22; and Tennessee, 22 cts. to each inhabitant. 
And thus ends the great " Distribution Bill" of the Whigs. 
Keep it before the People — That this legislation of which 
so much is said in behalf of the party in power, is giving 
the South a premium for slavery. Not only tolerating it, 
but taking money belonging to hard-working men of the 
North, to pay southern men for their institution. 

Keep it before the People — That the surplus revenue 
was distributed in the same w^ay, in 1837, and no protest 
was entered by any man on the floor of Congress. 

Keep it before the People — That for forty out of forty- 
eight years, slavery has had a President from her own 

Keep it before the People — That for thirty out of thirty- 
six years, we have had a slave-holding Speaker in the 
House of Representatives, w'ho has the appointment of 
all the Committees. 

Keep it before the People — That since 1830, there have 
been five appointments to the bench of the Supreme Court 
of the United States, and every one from slave States. 

Keep it before the People — That the District of Columbia 
is the greatest slave mart in the world; and that on the pa- 
ges of its statute-book, among other laws, bloody as death, 
stands unrepealed the follow- ing : ''a slave convicted of 
setting fire to a building, shall have his head cut off, and 
his body divided and hung up in the most public places." 
See Laws of the District. 

Keep it before the People — That such a law makes a 
model of our republic, for Prince Metternich to laugh at, 
and to give his public criminals the choice of w-orking in 
the State mines /or life, or being banished to the United 
States; and to know that they chose the former. — (See 
Brooks' Letters from Austria. 

Keep it before the People— Tha,t from 1826 to 1829, six 
persons w^ere sold for their jail fees, in the District of 
Columbia; and that on the 8th of February, 1836, eighty- 
two northern Congressmen voted '^that Congress ought 
not, in any w^ay, interfere w^th slavery in the District of 


Nehemiah Cauikins. 


In stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to 
show the practical workings of the system of slavery, 
and if possible to correct the misapprehension on this 
subject, so common at the north. In doing this I am not 
at war with slaveholders. No, my soul is moved for 
them as well as for the poor slaves. May God send them 
repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth ! Prin- 
ciple, on a subject of this nature, is dearer to me than 
the applause of men, and should not be sacrificed on any 
subject, even though the ties of friendship may be broken. 
We have too long been silent on this subject, the slave 
has been too much considered, by our northern states, 
as being kept by necessity in his present condition. — 
Were we to ask, in the language of Pilate, '' what evil 
hath they done" — we may search their history, v/e can- 
not find that they have taken up . arms against our 
government, nor insulted us as a nation — that they are 
thus compelled to drag out a life in chains ! subjected to 
the most terrible inflictions if in any way they manifest a 
wish to be released. — Let us reverse the question. What 
evil has been done to them by those who call themselves 
masters } First let us look at their persons, '' neither 
clothed nor naked" — I have seen instances where this 
phrase would not apply to boys and girls, and that too in 
winter. I knew one young man seventeen years of age, 
by the name of Dave, on Mr. Swan's plantation, worked 
day after day in the rice machine as naked as when he 
was born. The reason of his being so, his master said 
in my hearing^ was, that he could not keep clothes on 
him — he would get into the fire and burn them off. 

Follow them next to their huts; some with and some 
without floors : — Go at night, and view their means of 
lodging, see them lying on benches, some on the floor or 
ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the night; — 
others, of younger age, with a blanket wrapped about 
them; and one or two lying in the ashes. These things 
/ have often seen with my oiun eyes. 


Examine their means of subsistence, which consists 
generally of seven quarts of meal or eight quarts of small 
rice for one week; then follow them to their work, with 
driver and overseer pushing them to the utmost of their 
strength, by threatening and whipping. 

If they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their 
huts, as I have often been and see them groaning under 
a burning fever or pleurisy, lying on some straw, their 
feet to the fire with barely a blanket to cover them; or 
on some boards nailed together to form a bedstead. 

After seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their suf- 
ferings, need I ask, is there any evil connected with 
their condition ? and if so; upon whom is it to be charg- 
ed ? I answer for myself, and the reader can do the 
same. Our government stands first chargeable for al- 
lowing slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. Second, 
the states for enacting iaws to secure their victim. Third, 
the slaveholder for carrying out such enactments, in hor- 
rid form enough to chill the blood. Fourth, every per- 
son who knows what slavery is, and does not raise his 
voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives con- 
sent to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the 
sight of God. '' The blood of Zacharias who was slain be- 
tween the temple and altar," says Christ, '' will I re- 

Rail Road Bill. 

ICJ^^ We give in this No. tTie excellent report and re- 
solves reported to the Legislature by a joint committee, 
for the House and Senate. C. F. Adams, son of the 
venerable J. Q. Adams, was a m.ember of the commit- 
tee. This report was lost in the Senate. We shall have 
something to say on this subject in another number. 


No. III. 

Slavery, 33 

Report of Committee, 40 

Keep it before the People, 44 

Nehemiah Caulkins, 47 

Will be published monthly — each number to contain 16 pages, besides 
the cover. 

Terms. — To single subscribers, 37^ cents per year. But to encourage 
its circulation, 

Four copies will be sent to one address for one dollar. 

Payment in advance. When orders are received without the money, 
one No. only will be sent until payment is made. 

(^ These terms will be strictly adhered to in all cases. 

{JCI^" Letters and Communications should be addressed (post paid) to J. 
A. Collins, 25 Cornhill, Boston. 

(|rj» The circulation of this little work will depend upon the interest 
^'hich the friends of the cause exhibit to increase the subscription list. 

|]r^» All who receive this number are respectfully requested to act as a- 
gents, and forward the money to the subscriber, 

J. A. COLLLNS, 25 Cornhill, Boston. 


98 Court Street, Boston. 



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Dr. Channing in the Field again* 

^^The duty of the Free States, or Remarks suggested by 
the case of the Creole. By Wm. E. Channing," pp. 54. 

We had prepared several articles for the Offering, but 
have thrown them aside to give our readers some extracts 
from this work. 

All are, probably, more or less acquainted with the 
history of the Creole. The facts are briefly these: — In 
November last, the brig Creole, of Norfolk, Va. sailed 
for New Orleans v/ith a cargo of about 140 slaves. 
While the brig v/as on her way to New Orleans, the 
slaves rose upon the crew, killed one man, took posses- 
sion of the vessel, and run her into the port of Nassau, 
in New Providence, one of the West India Islands. 
There, by the authorities of Great Britain, the slaves 
were allowed to go free. Our government, ever watch- 
ful of the mterests of slavery, immediately sent a de- 
spatch to our minister in London, instructing him to de- 
mand of the British Government compensation for these 
liberated slaves. This instrument, drawn up and signed 
by Daniel Webster, as Secretary of State, is a remarka- 
ble production. Its reasoning is unsound, and its propo- 
sitions and conclusions are monstrously wicked. It seems 
as if the Dr. labored to keep Wehster^s name out of 
sight. For allowing himself to be such a pliant, suppli- 
ant tool of slavery, Webster, as a northern man, ought 
to be exposed, and held up to the gaze of an indignant 


The style of this book is, like all the writings which 
emanate from Channing's pen, chaste, clear and forcible. 
It is not, however, written with so much ability as some 
of his other papers. It does not abound with so many 
apologies for the slaveholder, as does some of his earlier 
productions on slavery; yet a few of the last pages of 
this work must very much neutralize the good influence 
which the book would otherwise produce. After a few 
preliminary remarks in relation to the encroachments 
of slavery upon the North, the Doctor says : 

No greater wrong, no grosser insult on humanity, can 
well be conceived; nor can it be softened by the custom- 
ary plea of the slave-holder's kindness. The first and 
most essential exercise of love towards a human being, 
is to respect his Rights. It is idle to talk of kindness to 
a human being, whose rights we habitually trample under 
foot. ''Be just before you are generous." A human 
being is not to be loved as a horse or a dog, but as a be- 
ing having rights; and his first grand right is that of free 
action; the right to use and expand his powers; to im- 
prove and obey his higher faculties; to seek his own and 
other's good; to better his lot; to make himself a home; 
to enjoy inviolate the relation of husband and parent; to 
live the life of a man. An institution denying to a being 
this right, and virtually all rights; which degrades him 
into a chattel, and puts him beneath the level of his race, 
is more shocking to a calm, enlightened philanthropy, 
than most of the attrocities which we shudder at in histo- 
ry; and this for a plain reason. These attrocities, such 
as the burning of heretics, and the immolation of the In- 
dian woman on the funeral pile of her husband, have gen- 
erally some foundation in ideas of duty and religion. The 
inquisitor murdei s to do God service; and the Hindoo 
widow is often fortified against the flames by motives of 
inviolable constancy and generous self-sacrifice. The 
Indian in our wilderness, when he tortures his captives, 
thinks of making an offering, of making compensation. 


to his own tortured friends. But in slavery, man seizes 
his brother, subjects him to brute force, robs him of all 
his rights, for purely selfish ends — as selfishly as the rob- 
ber fastens on his prey. No generous affections, no 
ideas of religion and self-sacrifice throw a gleam of light 
over its horrors. As such, I must speak of slavery, when 
regarded in its own nature, and especially when regard- 
ed in its origin. A grand principle is involved in the 
case, or rather lies at its very foundation, and to this I 
ask particular attention. This principle is, that a man, 
as a man, has rights, has claims on his race, which are 
in no degree touched or impaired on account of the man- 
ner in which he may be regarded or treated by a partic- 
ular clan, tribe, or nation of his fellow-creatures. A man, 
by his very nature, as an intelligent, moral creature of 
God, has claims to aid and kind regard from all other 
men. There is a grand law of humanity, more compre- 
hensive than all others, and under which every man 
should find shelter. He ha's not only a right, but is bound 
to use freely and improve the powers which God has giv- 
en him; and other men, instead of obstructing, are bound 
to assist their development and exertion. These claims 
a man does not derive from the family or tribe in which 
he began his being. They are not the growth of a par- 
ticular soil; they are not ripened under a peculiar sky; 
they are not written on a particular complexion; they be- 
long to human nature. The ground on which one man 
asserts them, all men stand on, nor can they be denied 
to one without being denied to all. We have here a com- 
mon interest. We must all stand or fall together. We 
all have claims on our race, claims of kindness and jus- 
tice, claims grounded on our relation to our common 
Father and on the inheritance of a common nature. 

Because a number of men invade the rights of a fellow- 
creature, and pronounce him destitute of rights, his 
claims are not a whit touched by this. He is as much a 
man as before. Not a single gift of God, on which his 
rights rest, is taken away. His relations to the rest of 
his race are in no measure affected. He is as truly their 


brother as if his tribe had not pronounced him a brute. 
If indeed any change takes place, his claims are enhan- 
ced, on the ground that the stiftering and injured are en- 
titled to peculiar regard. If any rights should be singu- 
larly sacred in our sight, they are those which are denied 
arid trodden in the dust. 

It seems to be thought by some, that a man derives all 
his rights from the nation to which he belongs. They 
are gifts of th>!: state, and the state may take them away, 
if it will. A man, it is thought, has claims on other men 
not as a man, but as an Englishman, an American, or a 
subject of some other state. He must produce his parch- 
ment of citizenship, before he binds other men to protect 
him, to respect his free agency, to leave him the use of 
his powers according to his own will. Local municipal 
law is thus made the fountain and measure of rights. 
The stranger must tell us v/here he was born, what priv- 
ileges he enjoyed at home, or no tie links us to one 
^ another. 

In conformity to these views, it is thought that when 
one community declares a man to be a slave, other com- 
munities must respect this decree; that the duties of a 
foreign nation to an individual are to be determined by 
a brand set on him on his own shores; that his relations 
to the whole race may be affected by the local act of a 
community, no matter how small or how unjust. 

This is a terrible doctrine. It strikes a blow at all the 
rights of human nature. It enables the political body to 
which we belong, no matter how vricked or weak, to 
make each of us an outcast from his race. It makes a 
man nothing in himself As a man, he has no signifi- 
cance. He is sacred only as far as some state has taken 
him under its care. Stripped of his nationality, he is at 
the mercy of all who may incline to lay hold on him. He 
may be seized, imprisoned, sent to work in galleys or 
mines, unless some foreign state spreads its shield over 
bim as one of its citizens. 

1 his doctrine is as false as it is terrible. Man is not the 
m^re creature of the state. Man is older than nations, 


and he is to survive nations. There is a Law of humanity- 
more primitive and divine than the law of the land. He 
has higher claims than those of a citizen. He has rights 
which date before all charters and communities; not con- 
ventional, not repealable, but as eternal as the powers 
and laws of his being. 

This annihilation of the individual, by merging him in 
the state, lies at the foundation of despotism. The na- 
tion is too often the grave of the man. This is the more 
monstrous^ because the very end of the state, of the or- 
ganization of the nation, is to secure the individual in all 
his rights, and especially to secure the rights of the weak. 
Here is the fundamental idea of political association. In 
an unorganized society, with no legislation, no tribunal, 
no umph^e, rights have no security. Force predominates 
over right. This is the grand evil of what is called the 
state of nature. To repress this, to give right the as- 
cendency over force, this is the grand idea and end of 
government, of country, of political constitutions. And 
yet w^e are taught that it depends on the law of a man's 
country, whether he shall have rights, and whether other 
states shall regard him as a man. When cast on a for- 
eign shore, his country, and not his humanity, is to be 
inquired into, and the treatment he receives is to be pro- 
portioned to what he meets at hom.e. 

Men worship power, worship great organizations, and 
overlook the individual; and few things have depraved 
the moral sentiment of men more, or brought greater 
woes on the race. The slate, or the ruler in whom the 
state is embodied, continues to be worshipped, notwith- 
standing the commission of crimes which would inspire 
horror in the private man. How insignificant are the 
robberies, murders, piracies, which the law makes capi- 
tal, in comparison with an unjust or unnecessary war, 
dooming thousands, perhaps millions, of the innocent to 
the most torturing forms of death, or with the law of an 
autocrat or of a public body, depriving millions of all the 
rights of men! But these, because of the acts of the state, 
escape the execrations of the world. 


If the doctrine be true, that the character impressed 
on a man at home follows him abroad, and that he is to be 
regarded not as a man, but as the local laws which he 
has left regard him, why shall not this apply to the pecu- 
liar advantages as well as disadvantages which a man en- 
joys in his own land ? Why shall not he, whom the laws 
invest vrith a right to universal homage at home, receive 
the same tribute abroad? Why shall not he, whose rank 
exempts him from the ordinary restraints of law on his 
own shores, claim the same lawlessness elsewhere? 
Abroad these distinctions avail him nothing. The local 
law which makes him a kind of deity deserts him, the mo- 
ment he takes a step beyond his country's borders; and 
why shall the disadvantages, the terrible wrongs which 
that law inflicts, follow the poor sufferer to the end of the 
earth ? 

This principle our government has not explicitly denied 
in its letter to our minister in London. The letter is 
chiefly employed in dilating on varions particular cir- 
cumstances, which it is said entitled the Creole to assist- 
ance from the British authorities, in the prosecution of 
the voyage with her original freight and passengers. The 
strength of the document lies altogether in the skilful 
manner in which these circumstances are put together. 
I shall therefore proceed to consider them with some mi- 
nuteness. They are briefly these. The vessel was en- 
gaged in a voyage *' perfectly lawful." She was taken 
to a British port, '' not voluntarily by those who had the 
lawful authority over her," but forcibly and violently 
" against the master's will," without any agency or solici- 
tation on the part of the great majority of the slaves, and 
indeed solely by the few *' mutineers" who had gained 
possession of her by violence and bloodshed. The slaves 
were ''still on board" the American vessel. They had 
not become '' incorporated with the English population;"" 
and from these facts it is argued, that they had not chan- 
ged their original character, that the vessel containing 
them ought to have been regarded as '' still on her voy- 
age/' and should have been aided to resume it accord- 


ing to that law of comity and hospitality by which nations 
are bound to aid one another's vessels in distress. 

# ^ # # . ^ ^ 

Let us no^v consider particularly the circumstances on 
which the United States maintain that the British author- 
ities were bound to replace the slaves under the master 
of the Creole, and violated their duty in setting them free. 

It is insisted, first, that '' the Creole was passing from 
one port to another in a voyage perjtdjlij lawful.^' We 
cannot but lament that to sustain this point of the law^uU 
ness of the voyage, it is affirmed that '' slaves are recog- 
nized as property by the constitution of the United States 
in those states in which slavery exists." Were this true, 
it is one of those truths which respect for our country 
should prevent our intruding on the notice of strangers. 
A child should throw a mantle over the nakedness of his 
parent. But the language seems to me stronger than 
the truth. The constitution was intended not to interfere 
w^ith the laws of property in the states where slaves had 
been held. But the recognition of a moral right in the 
slave-holder is most carefully avoided in that instrument. 
Slaves are three times referred to, but ahvays as persons, 
not as properiij. The free states are indeed bound to de- 
liver up fugitive slaves; but these are to be surrendered 
not a^ slaves, but as '^ persons held to service." The 
clause applies as much to fugitive apprentices from the 
North, as to fugitive slaves fi^om the South. The history 
of this clause is singular. In the first draug^ht of the 
constitution it stood thus. '^ No person legally held to 
service or labor in one State, escaping into another, shall 
in consequence of any law or regulation thereof, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered 
up," &c. Mr. Madison tells us that the term '^ legally" 
was struck out, and the words ^' under the laws there- 
of," were inserted after the word '^ state," in compliance 
with the wish of some, "' who thought the term legal equiv- 
ocal and favoring the idea that slavery w^as legal in a mor- 
al point oj view.'''' It ought also to be added, that in the 
debate in the convention on that clause of the constitu- 


tion which conferred power on Congress to abolish the 
inportation of slaves in 1808, ''Mr. Madison thought it 
wrong to admit in the constitution the idea that there 
could be property in men." Most memorable testimony 
to the truth from this greatest constitutional authority! 
With the knowledge of these facts, our government had 
no apology for holding up the great national charter as 
recognizing property in man. The phraseology and his- 
tory of the constitution afford us some shelter, however 
insufficient, from the moral condemnation of the world; 
and we shall not gratuitously cast it away. 

Whilst, however, we censure this clause in the Execu- 
tive Document, we rejoice that on one point it is explicit. 
It affirms that '' slaves are recognized as property by the 
constitution of the United States, in those states in which 
slavery exists.'^ Here we have the limit precisely defined, 
within which the constitution spreads its shield over slave- 
ry. These limits are '' the states in which slavery ex- 
ists." Beyond these it recognizes no property in man, 
and of course beyond these it cannot take this property 
under its protection. The moment the slave leaves the 
states within which slavery exists, the constitution know^s 
nothing of him as property. Of consequence, the nation- 
al government has no right to touch the case of the Cre- 
ole. As soon as that vessel passed beyond the jurisdic- 
tion of the state where she received her passengers, the 
slaves ceased to be property in the eye of the constitution. 
The national authorities were no longer bound to inter- 
fere with and to claim them as such. The nation's force 
was no longer pledged to subject them to their masters. 
Its relation to them had wh'oJly ceased. On this point v/e 
are bound to adopt the strictest construction of the instru- 
ment. The free states should not suffer themselves to 
be carried a hair's breadth beyond the line, within which 
they are pledged to the dishonorable office of protecting 

But, leaving this clause, I return to the first consider- 
ation adduced to substantiate the claim of the Creole to 
th^ assistance of the British authorities. The voyage, 


we are told, was *'' perfectly lawful." Be it so. But this 
circumstance, according to the principles of the free 
states, involves no obligation of another community to 
enforce slavery or to withhold from the slave the rights 
of a man. Suppose that the Creole had sailed to Massa- 
chusetts with her slaves. The voyage would have been 
'^ lawful;" but on entering the port of Boston her slaves 
would have been pronounced free. The '' right of prop- 
erty" in them conferred by a slave state, would have 
ceased. The lawfulness of the voyage, then, gives the 
slave-holder no claim on another government, into the 

ports of which his slave may be carried. 

# ^ ^ # # >^ 

''The voyage w^as perfectly lawful," we are told. So 
w^ould be the voyage of a Turkish ship freighted with 
Christian slaves from Constantinople. Suppose such a 
vessel driven by storms or carried by force into a Chris- 
tian port. Would any nation in Europe or would Amer- 
ica feel itself bound to assist the Turkish slaver, to re- 
place the chains on Christian captives whom the elements 
or their own courage had set free, to sacrifice to the com- 
ity and hospitality and usages of nations, the law of hu- 
manity and Christian brotherhood.^ 

'' The voyage," we are told, '' was perfectly lawful." 
Suppose now that a slave-holding country should pass a 
law ordaining and prescribing a chain as a badge of bon- 
dage, and authorizing the owner to carry about his slave 
fastened to himself by this sign of property. Suppose the 
master to go with slave and chain to a foreign country. 
His journey would be "lawful;" but would the foreign 
government be bound to respect this ordinance of the dis- 
tant state? Would the authorized chain establish proper- 
ty in the slave over the whole earth ? We know it would 
not; and why should the authorized vessel impose a more 
real obligation? 

We are now prepared to consider the next circum- 
stance on which much stress is laid, to substantiate the 
claim of our government. ''The vessel was taken to a 
British port, not voluntarily by those who had the law- 


ful authority over her, but forcibly and violently, against 
the master's will, by mutineers and murderers," &c. 

To this, various replies are contained in the preceding 
remarks. The first is, that the local laws of one coun- 
try are not transported to another, and do not become 
of force there, because a vessel of the former is carried 
by violence into the ports of the latter. Another is, 
that a vessel entering the harbor of a foreign state, 
through mutiny or violence, is not on this account ex- 
empted from its jurisdiction or laws. She may not set 
its authorities at defiance, because brought within its 
waters against her own will. There may indeed be 
local laws intended to exclude foreigners, which it would 
be manifestly unjust and inhuman to enforce on such as 
may be driven to the excluding state against their own 
consent. But as to the laws of a country founded on 
the universal principles of justice and humanity, these 
are binding on foreign vessels, under whatever circum- 
stances they may be brought within its jurisdiction. 
There is still another view of this subject, which I have 
already urged, but which is so important as to deserve 
repetition. The right of the slaves of the Creole to 
liberation was not at all touched by the mode in which 
they were brought tc Nasssau. No matter how they got 
there, whether by sea, land, or air, whether by help of 
saint or sinner. A man's right to freedom is derived 
from none of these accidents, but inheres in him as a 
man, and nothing which does not touch his humanity 
can impair it. The slaves of the Creole were not a whit 
the less men, because '' mutiny" had changed their course 
on the ocean. They stood up in the port of Nassau 
with all the attributes of men, and the government 
could not without wrong have denied their character 
and corresponding claims. 

We will now consider another circumstance to which 
importance is attached in the Document of our Execu- 
tive. We are told that '^ the slaves could not be re- 
garded as having become mixed up or incorporated with 
the British population, or as having changed character 


at all, either in regard to country or personal condition." 
To this it is replied, that no one pretends that the slaves 
had become Englishmen, or had formed a special rela- 
tion to Great Britain, on account of which she was com- 
pelled to liberate them. It w^as not as a part of the 
British population that they were declared free. Had 
the authorities at Nassau taken this ground, they might 
have been open to the complaints of our government. 
The slaves were pronounced free, not because of any 
national character which they sustained, but because 
they were men, and because Great Britain held itself 
bound to respect the law of nature with regard to men. 
It was not necessary for them to be incorporated with 
the British population in order to acquire to the common 
rights of human beings. One great error in the Docu- 
ment is, that a government is supposed to owe nothing 
to a human being who lands on its shores, any farther 
than his nation may require. It is thought to have 
nothing to do, but to inquire into his nationality and to 
fulfil the obligations w^hich this imposes. He has no 
rights to set up, unless his ow^n government stand by 
him. Thus the fundamental principles of the law of 
nature are set at naught. Thus all rights are resolved 
into benefactions of the state, and man is nothing un- 
less incorporated, mixed up with the population of a 
particular country. This doctrine is too monstrous to 
be openly avowed, but it lies at the foundation of most 
of the reasonings of the Document. The man, I repeat 
it, is older and more sacred than the citizen. The slave 
of the Creole had no other name to take. His own 
country had declared him not to be a citizen. He had 
been scornfully refused a place among the American 
people. He was only a Man; and was that a low title 
on which to stand up among men ? Nature knows no 
higher on earth. English law know^s no higher. Shall 
w^e find fault with a country, because an outcast man 
landing on its shore is declared free without the formali- 
ty of becoming incorporated with its population : 

After successfully removing the objection brought 


against the British authorities, by Mr. Webster, that the 
government officers in Nassua '' interfered to set free 
the slaves," the Doctor lays down the distinction between 
property in man, and the productions of the earth as 
follows : — 

Property is not an arbitrary thing, dependent wholly 
on man's will. It has its foundation and great laws in 
nature, and these cannot be violated without crime. It 
is plainly the intention of Providence, that certain things 
should be owned, should be held as property. They ful- 
fil their end only by such appropriation. The material 
world was plainly made to be subjected to human labor, 
and its products to be moulded by skill to human use. 
He who wins them by honest toil has a right to them, 
and is wronged when others seize and consume them. 

The Document supposes a government to declare, that 
opium is an article in which property cannot exist or be 
asserted, and, on this ground, to wrest it from the owner 
and throw^ it into the sea; and this it considers as a par- 
allel case to the declaration, that property in man can- 
not exist. But who does not see that the parallel is ab- 
surd ? The poppy, which contains the opium, is by its 
nature fitted and designed to be held as property. The 
man who rears it by his capital, industry and skill, thus 
establishes a right to it, and is injured if it be torn from 
him, except in the special case where some hioher right 
supersedes that of property. The poppy is not wronged 
by being owned and consumed. It has no intelligence, 
no conscience for its own direction; no destiny to fulfil 
by the wise use and culture of its powers. It has there- 
fore no Rights. By being appropriated to an individual 
it does good, it suffers no wrong. 

Here are the grounds of property. They are found 
in the nature of the articles so used; and where these 
grounds are wholly wanting, as in the case of human 
beings, it cannot exist or be asserted. A man was made 
to be an owner, not to be owned; to acquire, not to be- 
come property. He has faculties for the government of ' 


himself. He has a great destiny. He sustains tender 
and sacred relations, especially those of parent and hus- 
band, and with the duties and blessings of these no one 
must interfere. As such a being he has Rights. These 
belong to his very nature. They belong to every one 
who partakes it; all here are equal. *He therefore may- 
be wronged, and is most grievously wronged, when forci- 
bly seized by • fellow-creature, who has no other nature 
and rights than his own, and seized by such an one to 
live for his pleasure, to be bowed to his absolute will, to be 
placed under his lash, to be sold, driven from home, and 
torn from parent, wife and child, for another's gain. 
Does any parallel exist between such a being and opium? 
Can we help seeing a distinction between the nature of 
a plant and a man, which forbids their being confounded 
under the same character of property ? Is not the dis- 
tinction recognized by us in the administration of our 
laws ? When a man from the South brings hither his 
watch and trunk, is his right to them deemed a whit the 
less sacred, because the laws of his state cease to protect 
them ^ Do we not recognize them as his, as intuitively 
and cheerfully as if they belonged to a citizen of our own 
state ? Are they not his, here and everywhere t Do we 
not feel that he would be wronged, were they torn from 
him r But when he brings a slave, we do not recognize 
his property in our fellovr-creature. We pronounce the 
slave free. Whose reason and conscience do not intui- 
tively pronounce this distinction between a man and a 
watch to be just ? 

The Executive Document not only maintains the obli- 
gation of the English authorities to respect what the 
South had stamped on the slave, but maintains earnestly 
that " the English authorities had no right to inquire into 
the cargo of the vessel, or the condition of persons on 
board." Now it is unnecessary to dispute about this 
right; for the British authorities did not exercise it, did 
not need it. The truth of the case, and the whole truth, 
they could not help seeing, even had they wished to 
remain blind. Master, crew, passengers, colored people, 


declared with one voice that the latter were shipped 
as slaves. Their character was thus forced on the gov- 
ernment, which of course had no liberty of action in the 
case. By the laws of England, slavery could not be 
recognized within its jurisdiction. No human being could 
be recognized as property. The authorities had but one 
question to ask : Are these poor creatures men ? and to 
solve this question no right of search was needed. It 
solved itself. A single glance settled the point. Of course 
we have no ground to complain of a busy intermeddling 
with cargo and persons, to determine their character by j 
British authorities. ' 

After instituting a comparison between heroes of 1776 
and the heroes on board the Creole, he speaks of the pro- 
gress, the principles of human freedom is now making 
among different nations, and adds : — 

The cry for Emancipation swells and spreads from land 
to land. And whence comes the opposing cry ? From 
St. Petersburg ? From Constantinople ? From the 
gloomy jealous cabinets of despotism.^ No; but from 
republican America ! from that country, whose Declara- 
tion of Independence was an era in human history ! The 
nations of the earth are beginning to proclaim, that slaves 
shall not breathe their air, that whoever touches their 
soil shall be free. Republican America protests against 
this reverence for right and humanity, and summons the 
nations to enforce her laws against the slave. Oh my 
country ! hailed once as the asylum of the oppressed, 
once consecrated to liberty, once a name pronounced 
with tears of joy and hope ! now a by-word among the 
nations, the scorn of the very subjects of despotism ! 
How art thou fallen, morning star of freedom ! And has 
it come to this ? Must thy children blush to pronounce 
thy name ^ Must we cower in the presence of the 
Christian world ? Must we be degraded to the lowest 
place among Christian nations ? Is the sword, which 
wrought out our liberties, to be unsheathed now to en- 
force the claims of slavery on foreign states ? Can we 


bear this burning shame ? Are the free states prepared 
to incur this iniarny and crime r 

We call on a great nation to abandon its solemnly pro- 
nounced conviction of duty, its solemnly pledged respect 
for human rights, and to do what it believes to be unjust, 
inhuman and base. Is there nothing of insult in such a 
demand ? 

It is idle, and worse than idle, to say as is sometimes 
said, that England has no motive but policy in her move- 
ments about slavery. He who says so, talks ignorantly 
or recklessly. I have studied abolitionism in England 
enough to assure those who have neglected it, that it was 
the act not of the politician but of the people. In this 
respect it stands alone in history. It v/as a disinterested 
movement of a Christian nation in behalf of oppressed 
strangers, beginning with Christians, carried through by 
Christians. The government resisted it for years. The gov- 
ernment v/as compelled to yield to the voice of the people. 
No act of the English nation was ever so national, so truly 
the people's act, as this. And can we hope to conquer 
the conscience as v\'ell as the now solemnly adopted pol- 
icy of a great nation ? Were England to concede this 
point, she would prove herself false to known, acknowl- 
edged truth and duty. Her freshest, proudest laurel 
w^ould wither. 

In bearing this testimony to the spirit of the English 
people in the abolition of the slave trade and of slavery, 
nothing is farther from my mind than a disposition to de- 
fend the public policy or institutions of that country. In 
this case, as in most others, the people are better than 
their rulers. England is one of the last countries of 
which I am ready to become a partisan. There must 
be something radically wrong in the policy, institutions 
and spirit of a nation, which all other nations regard with 
jealousy and dislike. Great Britain, with all her progress 
in the arts, has not learned the art of inspiring confidence 
and love. She sends forth her bounty over the earth, 
but, politically considered, has made the world her foe. 
Her Chinese war, and her wild extension of dominion 


over vast regions which she cannot rule well or retain, 
give reason to fear, that she is falling a prey to the dis- 
ease under which great nations have so often perished. 

The condition of the lower orders at the present mo- 
ment is a mournful commentary on Enghsh institutions 
and civilization. The multitude are depressed in that 
country to a degree ofignorance, want and misery, which 
must touch every heart not made of stone. In the civil- 
ized world there are few sadder spectacles, than the con- 
trast, now presented in Great Britain, of unbounded wealth 
and luxury with the starvation of thousands and ten thou- 
sands, crowded into cellars and dens without ventilation 
or light, compared with which the wigwam of the Indian 
is a palace. Misery, famine, brutal degradation, in the 
neighborhood and presence of stately mansions, which 
ring with gaiety and dazzle with pomp and unbounded 
profusion, shock us as no other wretchedness does; and 
this is not an accidental but an almost necessary effect of 
the spirit of aristocracy and the spirit of trade acting 
intensely together. 

Must slavery still continue to exist, a firebrand at 
home and our shame abroad ? Can we of the free states 
brook, that it should be thrust perpetually by our di- 
plomacy on the notice of a reproving world .'' that it 
should become our distinction among the nations } that 
it should place us behind all ? Can we endure, that 
it should control our public counsels, that it should 
threaten war, should threaten to assert its claims in 
the thunder of our artillery ^ Can we endure that our 
peace should be broken, our country exposed to inva- 
sion, our cities stormed, our fields ravaged, our prosperity 
withered, our progress arrested, our sons slain, our homes 
turned into deserts, not for rights, not for liberty, not 
for a cause which humanity smiles on and God will bless, 
but to rivet chains on fellow-creatures, to extend the law 
of slavery throughout the earth ? These are great ques- 
tions for the free states. I must defer the answer of 
them to another time. The duties of the free states in 
relation to slavery deserve the most serious regard. 


No. IV. 
Dr. Channing in the field again, 49 

Will be published monthly— each number to contain 16 pages, besides 
the cover. 

Terms.— To single subscribers, 37J cents per year. But to encourage 
its circulation. 

Four copies will be sent to one address for one dollar. 

Payment in advance. When orders are received without the money, 
one No. only will be sent until payment is made. 

(It^- These terms will be strictly adhered to in all cases. 

^ Letters and Communicatio'ns should be addressed (post paid) to J. 
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OCf- All who receive this number are respectfully requested to act as a- 
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To the Contributors and Collectors of 
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VOL. II.] 


LNO. V & VI. 





Postage, under 100 mfles, IJ cts. — over 100 2 1-2 pts. 






The Offering:. 

We have delayed to issue the Mmj number of the Offering 
until the arrangements for celebrating the anniversary 
of West India Emancipation, were fully matured. The 
arrangements having been completed, we now send out 
the May and June numbers together. 

It will be seen, from the address of the General Agent 
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Socie'ty, to the aboli- 
tionists of that state, that Anti-SIaverij Pic JVics are re- 
commended to be held throughout the state on the first 
of August. We see no reason why this movement should 
be confined to Massachusetts alone, but earnestly hope 
that it will be adopted by the friends of the slave through- 
out New-England. 

To encourage and aid our friends in getting up these 
anti-slavery gatherings, the Society has just issued a beau- 
tiful little book under the title of '^THE ANTI-SLAVE- 
RY PIC NIC," The ''Pic Mc'' contains Speeches, 
Poems .Dialogues ,^nd Songs andHymns set to music, all of 
which are expressly adapted to the first of August and 
similar occasions. It should have an extensive circula- 
tion. Every possible effort should be made to secure 
the confidence and enlist the sympathies of the young. 
The influences of the age and corruptions of the times 
have filled their minds with strong prejudices against our 
cause. They naturally love freedom and hate oppres- 
sion, and their unbiassed feelings instinctively lead them 
to sympathize with the wronged and outcast. The im- 


pressions ofthe nursery will, to a great extent, influence 
the mmd through life. It should be our object, then, to 
encourage every movement which shall impress upon 
their minds the beauty of freedom and the impolicy and 
the wickedness of slavery. Encourage the young to 
iearn and speak those speeches which breathe forth the 
sentiments of liberty, and to sing those songs which will 
inspire them with a love of freedom. These sentiments, 
early engraven upon their hearts, may change their fu- 
ture course and policy of action, and lead them to become . 
the benefactors of their race, instead ofthe oppressors of 

The ''Pic Nic,'is for sale at 25 Cornhill, Boston. 
Address H. W. WILLIAMS. 

To the Abolitionisls of Massaclinsctt'?. 

Anti-Slavery Rooms, 25 Cornhill, Boston. 

My Dear Friend : — The Board of managers of the 
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society have learned, with 
great satisfaction, that the abolitionists, in many parts of 
this Commonweakh, have resolved to celebrate the ap- 
proaching Anniversvry of West India EmancipatioNj 
which comes on the first of August, in their respective 
towns, with that spirit and energy, which the occasion 
seems to require. This is as it should be. 

This celebration should be one, both of utility and 
amusement. It is important that this great event sliould 
be kept before the people of this country, so long as'it 
holds hvo and a half millions of its own subjects in the most 
abject slavery. Eight years have already passed, since 
the government of Great Britain gave freedom to €i2:ht 
hundred thGusand of its own slaves, in the West India 
Islands : and this act, instead of being followed by idle- 
ness, insurrection and murder, on the part ofthe negroes, 
and complete bankruptcy on the part of the masters, as 
was universally predicted by the opponents ofthe anti- 


slavery cause, has been attended by one unbroken chain 
of absolute prosperity, both to the liberated negros and 
their former masters. The soil has advanced in value, 
from fifty to one hundred per cent. Thrifty and popu- 
lous villages are fast coming into existence. Mechanic- 
al improvements are being introduced, which were not 
contemplated in the days of slavery. Benevolent and 
religious institutions are fast multiplying, and education 
is liberally bestowed upon, and improved by all classes. 

It is absolutely indispensable for the success of our 
cause, that the benefits of this great and benevolent ex- 
periment should be kept constantly before the minds of 
our people, that they may see the benefits, as well as the 
duty, of immediate emancipation. This day presents a 
favorable opportunity for this demonstration by us. To 
make this occasion useful and interesting to all parties, 
it seems important that we should deviate from the ordi- 
nary and stereotyped plan of orations, which are well 
in their place, and adopt some novel method, in which 
all can participate. 

Jt is proposed that you should get up in your place an 
-Anil- Slavery Pic-nic, It would be useless for me to sug- 
gest that this celebration should be conducted on strict 
temperance principles. The fore part of the day may be 
spent in declaiming, speaking dialogues, singing songs, 
hymns, &ic., &lc., after which, a procession can be form- 
ed from the Hall or Meeting-house, and march to the 
grove, or place where the entertainment is prepared. 
Original and select hymns, dialogues, poems, etc., ex- 
pressly adapted for this occasion, will be furnished at a 
trifling expense. Banners, with appropriate anti-slavery 
emblems and mottos, executed upon cloth of various col- 
ors, will be furnished from 25 to 37 1-2 cents each, ac- 
cording to their size. Now this movement can be easily 
sustained, if one or two individuals will take hold of the 
subject with that earnestness and energy which the un- 
dertaking seems to demand. If we can get the chil- 
dren interested in the question of slavery — ifihey can be 
made to feel a deep interest in the abolition of that sys- 


tern, which manufactures orphans by thousands, and tears 
children from their parents with an iron hand — they must 
necessarily exert a most powerful influence on the minds 
of their parents. Permit me, then, to suggest. 

First. That abolitionists, and all interested in the 
anti-slavery question, whether they belong to your soci- 
ety or not, of both sexes, should be immediately conven- 
ed, and this plan of celebrating the 1st of August be 
submitted for their consideration and adoption. 

Seconi). That a Superintendent be appointed. 

Third. That teachers in elocution and singing should 
also be appointed. 

Fourth. That a committee should be appointed to 
visit the children and young people, and ascertain how 
many will engage in the celebration. 

Fifth. Ascertain the number of banners and books, 
containing hymns, &c., which may be required. 

Sixth. Convene the children, and those interested, 
for rehearsal in recitation and singing, as often as once 
a week, if necessary, until the day of celebration. 

If this mode of celebrating the 1st of August does not 
accord with your views, I trust it will be consistent with 
your arrangements to make the most of this occasion, by 
celebrating it in some other way. 

I had almost forgotten to mention that the Superin- 
tendents and Teachers of Sabbath schools, in your place, 
would, no doubt, render you great assistance, by inter- 
esting the children in this movement. 

Very respectfully, yours, for the chained and outcast 
slave, John A. Collins, 

For the Monthly Offering. 
West India Emancipation. 


Great Britain, by act of Parliament, abolished negro 
slavery in all her colonies, on the first of August, 1834. 
She made it, however, a part of the act, that the slave 
should continue to serve his former master for six years 
without wages. This apprenticeship system, as it was 


called, was instituted expressly to prepare the negro 
for freedom ; its necessity, as well as its justice, was 
denied by the great body of Abolitionists at the time. 
It proved, as was expected, a total failure. Experience 
showed it useless and unneeded, as far as the slave was 
concerned. Antigua and Bermuda rejected it, and ad- 
mitted the negro to immediate freedom. Their prosper- 
ity and quietness were unrivalled by any of the Islands, 
Of Jamaica and Barbadoes Prof. Hovey has remarked, 
'^With regard to the preparation necessary for emanci- 
pation, the experiment in theWest Indies shows that it is, 
at least, as essential on the part of the master as on that 
of the slave; for, in no case has the success of the experi- 
ment been endangered by the conduct of the negroes, 
which can, by no means, be said of the planters, especial- 
ly at Jamaica." 

The impossibility of securing to the new freemen the 
enjoyment of their rights, while the execution of the laws 
was necessarily so much under the influence of their for- 
mer masters — expecting the wolf to guard the sheep— 
the atrocious, continued, and systematic violations of 
all the provisions of the law, not only by the cruelty ofin- 
divividuals, but by solemn acts of the colonial Assem- 
blies, roused such indignation in Great Britain, that on 
August 1st, 1838, the whole system was abolished, and 
the slaves declared unconditionally and immediately free. 
Let us take warning by this costly example, and learn 
of Great Britain that the shortest road is always the neai>- 
est in morals, as well as in physics. 

The circumstances in which justice was rendered to the 
slaves show the most sublime confidence, on the part of 
Great Britain, in the safety of doing right. It was in isl- 
ands^ four thousand miles from the shores of the mother 
country — swarming with a colored population ten times 
out-numbering their white masters. Jamaica, 378,000 
colored inhabitants to 37,000 white; Barbadoes, 87,000 
colored, to 15,000 w^hites; Antigua, 33,000 colored, to 
2,000 white ; and Tortola, with but 200 white people out 
of a population of 5,000, 


It was in such circumstances that. 800,000 fetters were 
struck off amid prophecies of bloodshed and colonial ru- 
in, and even amid the anxious doubts of some of the 
friends of freedom. The Christian, with his stern confi- 
dence in principle, after an acute analysis of the cir- 
cumstances, would justify the act; but the man of the 
v/orld, the mere student of history, mi^ht almost be ex- 
cused in doubting the experiment. Within sight of the 
English shores, and within the memory of those who 
were not yet old, there had been one example of a peo- 
ple's immediate emancipation from the weight of a gov- 
ernment whose existence was known to them only by its 
oppression. In the first heat of that people's indignation, 
not only a despotic throne and corrupt priesthood, but 
government and religion themselves were trampled in the 
dust. Yet the French Revolution took place under cir- 
cumstances far more favorable than those which attend- 
ed the proposed experiment in the West Indies. 

The French peasant was hemmed in by the brother- 
hood of European nations — surrounded by the edu- 
cation and refinement of numerous and influential class- 
es, whom he had been accustomed to follow. For him 
religion had dene something — education had done some- 
thing — long ages of social order had done much. Burke's 
feoasted bulwarks of modern civilization — chivalry and re- 
ligion, — the spirit of Christianity and the spirit of a gen- 
tleman, might be expected to interpose a barrier against 
the passions of the mob. In spite of all, the guillotine 
bathed in blood, was the emblem of their transition state 
from serfs to citizens. 

But the slaves of the West Indies were to be restored 
to freedom, not at the door of European monarchies, but 
far across the Atlantic — -thousands of miles off from those 
ponderous social organizations, which might have thrown 
their weight into the scale in behalf of the white man, 
ten times outnumbered by the new-made freemen. So 
feeble and few in their presence that one moment's rush- 
ing recollection of a century's oppression would sweep 
him from the face of those islands forever^ For the col- 


ored man, too, Christianity had hardly included him 
within the circle of its sympathy, and the law had almost 
exiled him from the cold shield of its protection. With 
all these disadvantages, that experiment has been tried. 
Its results are ^vritten in the annals of the greatest and 
freest nation of the aoe. Let us thank God that v/hen a 
shortsighted worldly prudence or natural fear m-ght 
have raised their voices against it, the^e was found one 
great nation willing to trust God, that duty was safety. 

The parent has rebuked the child. In the name of 
three million slaves among us, let us thank God that that 
nation was our mother country — the glass of our public 
opinion — the source of our Hterature and our religion. 

When William IV. Vv^as signing the statute of Eman- 
cipation, we miay imagine that a natural anxiety whis- 
pered in his ear the frightful results of such an act, paint- 
ing Anarchy stalking over those islands, and leaving no 
trace that civilized man had ever been there — scenes 
of tenantless mansions and ruined towns — laborers all 
idle and disorderly — magistrates invoking the strong arm 
of the mother country to save at least the semblance of 
civil order amid the Vva^eck. But what say the last trav- 
ellers ? The only tenantless mansions they found, were 
the jails — the only ruins which met their eyes were the 
tread-mills — the only idlers thev saw% were the magis- 
trates — the only ones whose occupations were wholly 
gone, were the soldiers. And who make up these regi- 
ments, to w4iom Great Britain entrusts her ocean gems ? 
Colored men, v/ho never have held arms till now. 

In judging of the West India Emancipation, it should 
be recollected that it w^as an act of religious duty, not an 
expedient of policy- — a great nation trying to do right, 
not seeking to increase her resources; meant to secure 
justice to the negro, not to increase the exports of sugar. 
We are sometimes told that the produce of the islands 
has decreased. Suppose it true, which it is not, no one 
v/ould have a right to be surprised if they had ate all they 
produced in such a crisis. What should we say of one 
who, in 1783, had tried to prove the American Revolu- 
tion a failure, and a mistake, because the exports dimin- 


ished to almost nothing during the seven years of the 
war ? Of Antigua let the following table speak: 

Average of Hhds.Sug. Pun.Molass, Pun. Rum. 

5 last years of slavery, 12,189 3,308 2,468 

5 first years of freedom, 13,545 8,308 1,109 

1839, 22,383! 13,433! 582 

If in Jamaica there has been a diminution of l-9th of 
the export of sugar, it should be recollected that there 
has been,of course, a much greater consumption at home, 
and the devotion of mothers and sisters to their families 
and children, and to education, ought to lessen the pro- 
duce, at which, who will repine? As Dr. Channing says, 
'* Has man nothing to do but work? Are not many (ev- 
erywhere) overworked ?" Human happiness is not to be 
guaged by the hogsheads of sugar which an Island ex- 

The ivorst enemies of aholiiion have not been able to 
show that a smgle drop of blood has been shed, or a single 
plantation fired, in consequence of emancipation in all the 
British IV est Indies. 

To show the vast improvement which has taken place 
in the habits and conditions of the West Indian labor- 
ers, an extract from an official document which the Brit- 
ish Government a short time since addressed to a foreign 
power, in answer to a st§itement in which the great ex- 
periment of emancipation was alluded to as having prov- 
ed a failure, is given. 

"It will he found that British emancipation took place with- 
out the occurrence of a single instanceof tumult or disturbance; 
that the joy of the negroes on the 1st of August, 1S38, was or- 
derly, sober, and religious ; that since emancipation the negroes 
have been thriving and contented; that they have varied their 
manner of living, and multiplied their comforts and enjoy- 
ments ; that their offences against the laws have become more 
and more light and unfrequent ; that their morals have been 
improved ; that marriage has become more and more substitu- 
ted for concubinage ; that they are eager for education, rapidly 
advancing in knowledge, and powerfully influenced by the 
ministers of religion. Such are among the results of emanci- 
pation which are plain and indisputable, and these results con- 


siiiute, in the estimation of her Majesty's Government, and the 
people of England, the complete success of the British eman- 
cipation in so far as relates to the primary and paramount ob- 
jects of that act." 

Of the improvement which had taken place, an extract 
from Sir C. Metcalfe's despatch of the 10th of March, 
1840, speaks as follows: 

" The thriving condition of the peasantry is very striking and 
gratifying. I do not suppose that any peasantry in the world 
have so many comforts, or so much independence and enjoy- 
ment. Their behavior is peaceable, and, in some respects, ad- 
mirable. They are fond of attending divine service, and are to 
be seen on the Lord's day, thronging to iheir respective church- 
es and chapels, dressed in good clothes, and many of them rid- 
ing on horseback. They send their children to school, and 
pay for their schooling. They subscribe for the erection of 
churches and chapels ; and in the Baptist communities, they 
not only provide the whole of the religious establishment, but, 
by the amount of their contributions, afford to their ministers a 
very respectable support. Marriage is general among the peo- 
ple; their morals are, I understand, much improved, and their 
sobriety is remarkable. I am very happy to add, that in most 
respects, they appear to deserve their good fortune; they are, 
I understand, generally orderly, sober, free from crime, much 
improved in their iiiorai habits, constant in the attendance at 
public worship, solicitous for the education of their children, 
and willing to pay the requisite expense." 

The above show the moral condition of the former 
slaves, the most pleasing result of the experiment. And 
their sources, as well as dates, leaves no room for 
dispvi^e as to the authenticity of the statements, their 
truth or their important bearing, as being the last news 
from the Islands. 

The industry of the laborers in the West Indies is 
proved in a variety of ways ; a great number have amass- 
ed property, and are included in the tax lists as holders 
of landed property. The number of tax-payers in the 
parish of Manchester, in the year 1836, was 387; 1837, 
393; 1838,438; in the year (no taxes) 1839 not given 
in; 1840,1321; 1841,1866. The number of freehold- 
ers, becoming so by the accumulations of their own in- 


dustry, assessed in Jamaica, as given by Sir C. Met- 
calfe, were, 1838, 2014; 1840, 7848. In little more 
than two yeais after Aug. 1st, 1834, 1580 apprentices 
purchased their time in Jamaica alone, at the cost of 
^^250, 000. Since emancipation the negroes have become 
holders of landed property to the amount of 5^*200,000, in 
Demerara alone. 

Lord Stanley has stated in the House of Commons, 
that,'*'with regard to the slaves, the experiment had been 
not only successful in placing them in a situation of 
greater physical enjoyment, beyond the anticipations of 
their boldest friends, but they also proved that they had 
learned to turn to advantage their newly acquired gift 
of freedom in accumulating property, the product of their 
industry, and cultivating habits worthy of freemen. 
(Hear, Hear.)If he wanted another proof of this, he had 
it ready to his hand in the amount of exports to the West 
Indies from this country, during the period of appren- 
ticeship subsequent to complete emancipation. The av- 
erage value of the exports from this country to the West 
India colonies in the six years preceding emancipation, 
was £2,783,000. The average during the four years of 
the apprenticeship, 1835 to 1838, was £3,573,000. The 
amount during the first year of freedom, 1839, was 
£4,002,000, and during the second year of freedom the 
amount was £3,492,734. 

Who, let me now ask, will say that one such hour 
as that which the following description records, is 
not more than a compensation for all the labors of JVVil- 
berforce and Clarkson, the efforts, the self-deniar, the 
devotion of eloquent lips and burning hearts, of rich and 
poor, of peasant and peer, which have made the Anti- 
Slavery struggle in Great Britain the noblest page of 
human history .^ It attempts to describe one of the meet- 
ings on the first of August, 1834, in Antigua. 

"The Wesleyans kept * watch-night' in all their chap- 
els on the night of the 31st of July. One of the Wesley- 
an missionaries gave us an account of the watch meet- 
ing at the chapel in St. John's. The spacious house was 
filled v/ith candidates for liberty. All was animation and 


eagerness. A mighty chorus of voices swelled the song 
of expectation and joy, and as they united in prayer, the 
voice of the leader was drowned in the universal accla- 
mations of thanksgiving and praise, and blessing, and 
honor, and glory, to God, who had come down for their 
deliverance. In such exercises the evening was spent 
until the hour of twelve approached. The missionary 
then proposed that when the clock on the cathedral should 
begin to strike, the whole congregation should fall upon 
their knees and receive the boon of freedom in silence. 
Accordingly, as the loud bell tolled its first note, the im- 
mense assembly fell prostrate on their knees. All was 
silence, save the quivering half-stifled breath of the 
struggling spirit. The slow notes of the clock fell upon 
the multitude; peal on peal, peal on peal, rolled over the 
prostrate throng, in tones of angels' voices, thrilling 
among the desolate chords and weary heart strings. 
Scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when the 
lightening flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of 
thunder roared along the sky — God's pillar of fire, and 
trump of jubilee! A moment of profoundest silence pass- 
ed — then came the burst — they brake forth in prayer; 
they shouted, they sung, "Glory," ''alleluia;" they 
clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped each 
other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and went to and 
fro, tossing upward their unfettered hands; but high 
above the whole there was a mighty sound which ever 
and anon swelled up: it was the utterings in broken ne- 
gro dialect of gratitude to God. 



Scene I — A large room in a country house. Mrs Nevers 
seated engaged in saving, — Margaret standing by an 
Gipenwmdow, shad.ed with grape vines and ho7iey suckles, 
A bird cage, containing seccral birds hangs near. Mar- 
garet {after watching the motions of the mother -bird for 
some ti}ne.) 

Margaret, '' There, nov/ ! — there you go again ! you 


little foolish thing, you! Why, what is the matter with 
you ? 1 should be ashamed of myself! I should so! 
Hav'nt we bought the prettiest cage in the world for 
you? Hav'nt you enough to eat, and the best that could 
be had, for love or money — sponge cake, loaf sugar, and 
all sorts of seeds? Did'nt father put up a little nest for 
you with his own hands; and hav'nt I watched over you, 
you little ungrateful thing ? — till the eggs they put there 
had all turned to birds — -little live birds, no bigger than 
grass-hoppers, and so noisy, ah, you can't think! Just 
look at the beautiful clear water there — and the clean 
white sand. Where do you think you could find such 
water as that, or such a pretty glass dish — or such beau- 
tiful bright sand, if we were to take you at your word, 
and let you out with that little nest full of young ones, to 
shift for yourselves, heyl 

The door opens, and Mr. Nevers enters. 

Mar. '' O father, I'm so glad you've come! What do 
you think is the matter of poor little birdy?" 
[The father looks down among the grass and shrubbery, 

and up into the top branches, and then into the cage — the 

countenance of Margaret growi7ig more and more per- 

plexedt and more sorrowful every moment.'] 

Mar. Well, father — what is it } Does it see any- 
thing ? 

Mr. JV. No, my love — nothing to frighten her; but 
where is the father bird .'* 

Mar. He's in the other cage. He made such a to-do 
when the little birds began to chipper this morning, that 
I was obliged to let him out; and brother Bobby he 
frightened him into the other cage, and carried him off. 

Mr. JV. Was that right, my love ? 

Mar. Why not, father? He would'nt be quiet here, 
you know, and what was I to do? 

Mr. JV. But, Moggy, dear — these little birds may 
want their father to help feed them; the poor mother 
bird may want him to help take care of them — or to sing 
to her. 

Mar. Or perhaps show them how to fly, father? 


Mr. JV. Yes, dear. And to separate them just now 
' — how would you like to have me carried off, and put in- 
to another house, leaving nobody at home but your 
mother to watc-h over you and the rest of my little 
birds ? 

[Jiflargaret muses a few moments, and then returns to the i \ 
original subject,] 

Mar. But, Father, what can be the matter with the 
poor thing ? — you see how she keeps flying about, and 
the little ones trying to follow her — and tumbling upon 
their noses — and toddling about as if they were tipsy, 
and could'nt see straight. 

Mr. JY. I am afraid she is getting discontented. 

Mar. Discontented! how can that be, father? Has'nt 
she her little ones about her, and every thing on earth 
she can wish ? And then, you know, she never used to 
be so before ? 

Mr. JV. When her mate was with her, perhaps. 

Mar. Yes, father — and yet, now I think of it, the mo- 
ment these little wretches began to pee-peep, and tumble 
about so funny, the father and the mother both began to 
fly about the cage, as if they were crazy. What can 
be the reason? The water, you see, is cool and clear; 
the sand all bright : they are out in the open air, with ail 
the green leaves blowing about them; their cage has 
been scoured with soap and sand, the fountain filled, and 
the seed-box — and — and — I declare, I cannot think what 
ails them! 

Mr. JV. My love — may it not be the very things you 
speak of, things which you think ought to make them 
happy, are the very cause of all the trouble you see ? 
The father and mother are separated! How can they 
teach their young to fly in that cage ? how teach them to 
provide for themselves ? 

Mar. But father — dear father — ! [laying her little hand 
upon the spring of the cage door'] dear father, loould yoit'l 

Mr. JV. And why not, my dear child ? [He stoops and 
hisses her.'] Why not? 


Mar, I was only thinking, father. If I should lei 
them out, who will feed them? 

Mr. JV, Who feeds the young ravens, dear? Who 
feeds the ten thousand little birds that are flying about 
us now ? 

Mar. True, father; but they have never been im- 
prisoned, you know, and have already learned to take 
care of themselves! 

Mrs. JV. [looking up and smiling^'] Worthy of profound 
consideration, my dear — I admit your plea, but have a 
care, lest you over-rate the danger and the difficulty in 
your unwillingness to part with your beautiful liltle birds 

Mar. Father — [she throws open the door of the cage~\ 

Mr. A^. Stay, my child! What you do must be done 
thoughtfully, conscientiously, so that you may be satisfied 
with yourself hereafter, when it is all over. Shut the 
door a moment, and allow me to hear all your objec- 

Mctr. I was thinking, father, about the cold rains, and 
the long winters, and how the poor birds that have been 
so long confined would never be able to find a place to 
sleep in, or water to wash in, or seeds for their little 

Mr. JV. In our climate, my love, the winters are very 
short: and the rainy season itself does not drive the birds 
away ;and then you know birds always follow the sun — if 
our climate is to cold for them, they have only to go far- 
ther south. But in a word, my love, you are to do as 
you would be done by. As you would not like to have 
me separated from your mother and you; as you would 
not like to be imprisoned for lifg, though your cage were 
crammed with loaf sugar and sponge cake — as you 

Mar. .That'll do, fatherl that's enough! Brother 
Bobby! hither, Bobby! bring the little cage with you — ^ 
there's a dear. 

Scc7i€ 11. — Evening, Mrs. Nevers and Margaret seated— 
Enter Mr. N. .^peaking loud as he comes forward. 
Mr. JV. — The ungrateful hussey ! What ! afier all 

that we have done for her; given her the best room we 


could spare — feeding her from our own table— clothing 
her from our own wardrobe — giving her the handsomest 
and shrewdest fellow for a husband within twenty miles 
of us — allowing them to live together till a child is born; 
and now, because we have thought proper to send him 
away for a while, where he may earn his keep— now for- 
sooth ! we are to find my lady discontented with her sit- 

Mar.— Dear father ! 

Mrs. jY.— Hush, child ! 

Mr. JV.— Ay, discontented — that^s the word — actually 
dissatisfied with her condition ! the jade !— with the best 
of every thing to make her happy; confits and luxuries 
she could never dream of obtaining were she free to- 
morrow — and always contented till now. 

M:(r. — And vvhat does she complain of, father? 

Mr. JY. — Why, my dear child, the unreasonable thing 
complains just because we have sent her husband away 
to the other plantation for a few months : he was getting 
idle here, and might have grown discontented, too, if 
we had not packed him off. And then instead of being 
happier, and more thankful — more thankful to her Heav-^ 
enly Father, lor the gift of a man child, Martha tells me 
that she has just found her crying over it, calling it a 
little slave, and wishing the Lord would take it away 
from her — the ungrateful wench ! when the death of that 
child would be two hundred dollars out of my pocketj 
every cent of it ! 

Mrs. JV. — After all we have done for her, too! 

Mr. JV. — I declare I have no patience with the jade! 

Mar. — Father — dear father ! 

Mr. JV.—Be quiet. Moggy, don't teaze me now. 

Mcir.—^'But father ~ [she draios herjather to the window 
and points to the cage lohich still hangs there loith the door 
wide open. He understands her and blushes — then speaks 
conff/sedfi/.] Dear father! Do you see that cage? 

Mr. J\r. — -There go, be quiet, you are a child now, and 
must not talk about such matters until you have grown 


Mar.— Why not, father? 

Mr. JV.— Why not ! — Why bless' your little heart !— 
Suppose I were silly enough to open my doors and turn 
the poor thing adrift with her child at her breast — what 
would become of her? Who would take care of her? — 
who feed her? 

Mar. — Who feeds the young ravens, father? Who 
takes care of all the white mothers, and all the white 
babies we see? 

Mr. JV. — Yes, child — but then — I know what you arc 
thinking of; but then — there's a mighty difference let mc 
tell you betw^een a slave mother and a white mother— 
betwen a slave child and a white child. 

Mar. — Yes, father. 
4 Mr.JV. — Don't interrupt me : you drive every thin^ 
out of my head. What was I going to say? — Oh — ah ! 
that in our long winters and cold rains, these poor things 
who have been brought up in our houses, and v/ho knovv 
nothing about the anxieties of life, and have never learn- 
ed to take care of themselves — and — a — a — 

Mar. — ^Yes, father; but couWiit they follow the sun too? 
or gojarther southl 

Mr JV. — And why not be happy here ? 

Mar. — ^But father — dear father? How can they teach 
their little ones to fly in a cage? 

Mrs. JV. — Child, you are getting troublesome ! 

Mar — And how teach their young to provide for them- 
selves, father? 

Mr JV. — Put the little imp to bed, directly — do you 
hear ! 

Mar. — Good night, father ! good night, mother — Do 



The Spirit of Abolitionists. 


One thing I know full well. Calumniated, abhorred, 
persecuted as the abolitionists have been, they constitute 
the body guard of the slaveholders, not to strengthen 
their oppression, but to shield them from the vengeance 
of their slaves. Instead of seeking their destruction, ab- 
olitionists are endeavoring to save them from midnight 
conflagration and sudden death, by beseeching them to 
remove the cause of insurrection; and by holding out to 
their slaves the hope of a peaceful deliverance. We do 
not desire that any should perish. Having a conscience 
void of offence in this matter, and cherishing- a love for 
our race which is " without partiality and without hypoc- 
ricy," no impeachment of our^motives, or assault upon 
our character, can disturb the serenity of our minds; 
nor can any threats of violence, or prospect of suffering 
deter us from our purpose. That we manifest a bad spir- 
it, is not to be decided on the testimony of the southern 
slave-driver, or his northern apologist. That our phi- 
lanthropy is exclusive, in favor of but one party, is not 
proved by our denouncing the oppressor, and sympathi- 
zing with his victim. That we are seeking popularity is 
not apparent from our advocating an odious and unpopu- 
lar cause, and vindicating, at the loss of our reputation, 
the rights of a people who are reckoned among the off- 
scouring of all things. That our motives are not disin- 
terested, they who swim with the popular current, and 
partake of the gains of unrighteousness, and plunder the 
laborers of their wages, are not competent to determine. 
That our language is harsh, uncharitable, unchristian, 
they who revile us as madmen, fanatics, incendiaries, 
traitors, cut-throats, &c. &c. cannot be allowed to testify. 


That our measures are violent, is not demonstrated by 
the fact that we wield no physical weapons, pledge our- 
selves not to countenance insurrection, and present the 
peaceful front of non-resistance to those who put our very 
lives in peril. That our object is chimerical, or unright- 
eous, is not substantiated by the fact of its being com- 
mended by Almighty God, and supported hy his omnipo- 
tence, as well as approved by the wise and good in every 
age and in all countries. If the charge, so often brought 
against us, be true, that our temper is rancorous and our 
spirit turbulent, how has it happened, that, during so 
long a conflict with slavery, not a single instance can be 
found in which an abolitionist has committed a breach of 
the peace, or violated any law of his country ? If it be 
true, that we are not actuated by the beest feelings of 
humanity, nor sustained by the highest principles of rec- 
titude, nor governed by the spirit of forbearance, I ask, 
once more., how it has come to pass, that when our meet- 
ings have been repeatedly broken up by lawless men, our 
property burnt in the streets, our dwellings sacked, our 
persons brutally assailed, and our lives put in imminent 
peril, we have refused to lift a finger in self-defence, or 
to maintain our rights in the spirit of worldly patriotism? 
Will it be retorted, that we dare not resist — that we 
are cowards? Cowards! No man believes it. They are 
the dastards who maintain that might makes right — 
whose arguments are brickbats and rotten eggs, w^hose 
weapons are dirks and bowie-knives, and whose code of 
justice is lynch law. A love of liberty, instead of un- 
nerving men, makes them intrepid, heroic, invincible. 
It was so at Thermopylse — it v*^as so on Bunker Hill. 
Who so tranquil, who so little agitated, in storm or sun- 
shine, as the abolitionists? But what consternation, what 
running to and fro like men at their very wit's end, w^hat 
trepidation, w^hat anguish of spirit, on the part of their 
enemies? How southern slave-mongers quake and trem- 
ble at the faintest whisperings of an abolitionist! — For, 
truly, '' the thief doth fear each bush an officer" — and 

" 'Tis conscience that makes cowards of them all !'' 



O, the great poet of nature is right — 

" Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just — 
And he but naked, though locked up in steel, 
Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted !" 

A greater than Shakspeare certifies, that '^ the wicked 
flee when no man pursueth; but the righteous are bold 
as a lion. " In this great contest of Right against Wrong, 
of Liberty against Slavery, who are the wicked, if they 
be not those, who, like vultures and vampyres, are gorg- 
ing themselves with human blood? if they be not the 
plunderers of the poor, the spoilers of the defenceless, 
the traffickers in '' slaves and the souls of men?" Who 
are the cowards, if not those who shrink from manly ar- 
gumentation, the light of truth, the concussion of mind, 
and a fair field? if not those whose prowess, stimulated 
by whisky potations, or the spirit of murder, grows ram- 
pant as the darkness of night approaches; whose shouts 
and yells are savage and fiend-like ; who furiously ex- 
claim, '^Down with free discussion! down with the liber- 
ty of the press! down with the right of petition! down 
with constitutional law!"- — who rifle mail-bags, throw 
types and printing-presses into the river, burn public 
halls dedicated to '^ Virtue, Liberty and Independence/' 
and assassinate the defenders of inalienable human rights? 
And who are the righteous, in this case, if they be not 
those who will '' have no fellowship with the unfruitful 
works of darkness, but rather reprove them?" who main- 
tain that the laborer is worthy of his hire, that the mar- 
riage institution is sacred, that slavery is a system ac- 
cursed of God, that tyrants are the enemies of mankind, 
and that immediate emancipation should be given to all 
who are pining in bondage ? who are the truly brave, if 
not those who demand for truth and error alike, free 
speech, a free press, an open arena, the right of petition, 
AND NO QUARTERS? ifnotthoso, who, instead of skulk- 
ing from the light, stand forth in the noontide blaze of 
day, and challenge their opponents to emerge from their 
wolf-like dens, that, by a rigid examination, it may be 
seen who has stolen the wedge of gold, — in whose pocket 


are the thirty pieces of silver, and whose garments are 
stained with the blood of innocence? Abolitionists cow- 
ards! when was it ever known for cowards to espouse 
the cause of down-trodden innocence, or to breast the 
tide of popular violence^ or to run any hazard for the 
good of others? Have the Tappans, the Jays, the Smiths^ 
the Birneys, the Welds in our cause — have the Grimkes, 
the Chapmans, the Motts — have any abolitionists, men or 
vroMEN, in any place or at any time, manifested a lack 
of firmness or courage, even in the most terrible emer- 
gencies? If they may not be associated with '' the glori- 
ous company of martyrs," who have suffered for righte- 
ousness' sake, in all ages, — if they have not exhibited a 
martyr-like spirit of long-suffering, forbearance, forgive- 
ness, uncompromising integrity, and stern endurance, — 
then it is because slavery has never existed in this coun- 
try, and no mobs have risen up, and no lynchings have 
taken place^ and no injury has been done to character, 
property or life. For is there a religious sect, (except- 
ing the Friends,) and perhaps one or two others, or a 
political party without an exception, in this country, who, 
if they had been called to pass through owr fiery ordeal — 
if their meetings had been ruthlessly invaded, and their 
very lives and liberties put in jeopardy by lawless ruf- 
fians — would not have stood on the defensive, and given 
blow for blow, and clashed weapon with weapon? 

The charge, then, that we are beside ourselves, that 
we are both violent and cowardly, is demonstrated to be 
false, in a signal manner. I thank God, that ^^ the weap- 
ons of our warfare are not carnal, but spiritual/' I thank 
him, that, by his grace, and by our deep concern for the 
oppressed, we have been enabled, in Christian magna- 
nimity, to pity and pray for our enemies, and to over- 
come their evil with good. Overcome, I say : not merely 
suffered unresistingly, but conquered gloriously. 

** Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths !" 

God grant that we may go on to the end, as we have 
begun I If it must be so, let the defenders of slavery still 


kave all the brickbats, bowie-knives and pistols, whicii 
the land can furnish; but let us still possess all the argu- 
ments, facts, warnings and promises, which insure the fi- 
nal triumph of our holy cause. Let us take unto our- 
selves the whole armor of God, that we may be able to 
withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand 
-—having our loins girt about with truth, and having on 
the breast-plate of righteousness, and our feet shod with 
the preparation of the gospel of peace ; above all, taking 
THE SHIELD OF FAITH, whercwith WO shall be ^ble to 
quench all the fiery darts of the wicked; and taking the 
helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is 


Picture of Slavery. 


Tell me, Senor! I somewhat calmly said, 
.Where shall I find the aged negro's shed, 
And see the poor old slaves of the estate, 
The weak, decrepid, w^orn-out slaves, whose fate 
It is, to feel a master's care at length, 
For whom they toiled thro' life, and spent their strength; 
How does it happen, none are to be seen 
Unfit for labor, who from age, have been 
Exempt from toil and hardship, at the close 
'Of life, and now^ entitled to repose ? 
How does it happen, that the stranger sees 
No ransomed nursling on the mother's knees. 
No tender children^ on the Sabbath-day 
Trained to be good, poor things, or taught to pray. 
No place of refuge tor declining age. 
In nature's course, to quit this mortal stage! 

•A* -^ -^ ^ ^ 

I'd always thought that ^' mayorals"^ were folks 
Who never laughed or deigned to deal in jokes, 
But this man laughed, as if he'd reason, then 
Till his great sides with laughter shook again. 
At length, somewhat composed, he coolly said, 
Who could have put such nonsense in your head? 

* Slavedrivers. 


Who ever heard of negroes getting old, 

Or planters suffering female slaves to fold 

Their arms, and sit like Creole ladies still, 

Or taking feeble women from the mill? 

You've not been long in Cuba, I suppose. 

From what you say of Sabbaths and repose, 

And paid not much attention, I opine, 

To many matters in the planting line? 

You have to learn what slaves are worth the score,. 

What blacks are for, and whose they are, moreo'erf 

We purchase slaves to cultivate our plains, 

We don't want saints or scholars to cut canes ^ 

We buy a negro for his flesh and bone, 

He must have muscle, brains, he need have none. 

But where, you ask me, are the poor old slaves? 

Where should they be, of course, but in their graves! 

We do not send them there before their time, 

But let them die, when they are past their prime. 

Men who are worked by night as well as day, 

Some how or other, live not to be gray 

Sink from exhaustion — sicken — droop and die, 

And leave the Count another batch to buy; 

There's stock abundant in the slave bazars. 

Thanks to the banner of the stripes and stars! 

You cannot think, how soon the want of sleep 

Breaks down their strength, 'tis well they are so cheapj. 

Four hours for rest — in time of crop — for five 

Or six long months, and few indeed will thrive. 

With twenty hours of unremiting toil. 

Twelve in the field, and eight in doors, to boil: 

Or grind the cane — believe me few grow old, 

But life is cheap, and sugar, sir,. — is gold. 

You think our interest is to use our blacks 

As careful owners use their costly hacks ;^ 

Our interest is to make the most we can 

Of every negro in the shortest span. 

As for the women, they embroil estates, 

There's never peace wdth them within your gates, 

They're always shamming, skulking from the fields 

And most abusive when their backs are wealed. 


Sure to be sick when strangers pass this way, 
They take advantage of us every way; 
For well they know, the Conde cannot bear 
The thoughts of flogging while his friends are here. 
As for the talk of marriage, you must jest, 
What.'^ marry wretched negroes by a priest I 
Why, sir, there's not a priest within some ten 
Or twelve good leagues of the estate — and, then, 
Were one to come, the Count would have to pay; 
I marry all the best and cheapest way. 
We have not many marriages, 'tis true, 
The men are many and the females few. 

The Equality of the Colored race, 


Sir, we are sometimes told that all these efforts will be 
unavailing — that the African is a degraded member of 
the human family — that a man with a dark skin and curl- 
ed hair, is necessarily, as such, incapable of improve- 
ment and civilization, and condemned by the vice of his 
physical conformation, to vegetate for ever in a state of 
hopeless barbarism. Mr. President, I reject, with con- 
tempt and indignation, this miserable heresy. In reply- 
ing to it, the friends of truth and humanity have not hith- 
erto done justice to the argument. In order to prove 
that the blacks were capable of intellectual efforts, they 
have painfully collected a few imperfect specimens of 
what some of them have done in this way, even in the de- 
graded condition which they occupy at present in Chris- 
tendom. Sir, this is not the way to treat the subject. 
Go back to an earlier period in the history of our race. 
See what the blacks were and what they did three thou- 
sand years ago, in the period of their greatness and glory, 
when they occupied the fore front in the march of civil- 
ization — when they constituted in fact the whole civili- 
zed world of their time. Trac« this very civilization, of 
which we are so proud, to its origin, and see v/here you 
will find it. We received it from our Euronean ances- 


tors : thej had it from the Greeks and Romans, and the 
Jews. But, Sir, where did the Greeks and the Romans 
and the Jews get it? They derived it from Ethiopia and 
Egypt, — in one word, from Africa. Moses, we are told, 
was instructed in all the learning of the Egyptians. The 
founders of the principal Grecian cities, such .as Athens, 
Thebes, and Delphi, came from Egypt, and for centu- 
ries afterwards, their decendants returned to that coun- 
try, as the source and centre of civilization. There it 
was that the generous and stirring spirits of the time — 
Herodotus,, Plato, Pythagoras, and the rest, 
made their noble voyages of intellectual and moral dis- 
covery, as ours now make them in England, France, 
Germany, and Italy. Sir, the Egyptians were the mas- 
ters of the Greeks and the Jews, and consequently of all 
the modern nations in civilization, and they had carried 
it very nearly as far — in some respects, perhaps, a good 
deal farther than any subsequent people. The ruins of 
the Egyptian temples laugh to scorn the architectural 
monuments of any other part of the world. They w^ill 
be what they are now, the delight and admiration of trav- 
ellers from all quarters, when the grass is growing on 
the sites of St. Peter's and St. Paul's, the present pride 
of Rome and London. 

Vv'ell, Sir, who v»-ere the Egyptians? They were Af- 
ricans : — and of v»4iat race? — It is sometimes pretended, 
that though xlfricans, and of Ethiopian extraction, they 
were not black. But what says the father of history, 
who had travelled among them, and knew their appear- 
ance, as well as we know that of our neighbors in Cana- 
da? Sir, Herodotus tells you that the Egyptians were 
blacks, with curled hair. Some writers have undertaken 
to dispute his authority, but I cannot bring myself to be- 
live that the father of history did not know black from 
white. It seems, therefore, that for this very civihzation of 
which we are so proud, and which is the only ground of 
our present claim of superiority, we are indebted to the 
ancestors of these very blacks, whom we are pleased to 
consider as naturally incapable of civilization. 


Hard Language. 


We are accused of using hard language. I admit the 
charge. I, for one, say in extenuation, that I have not 
been able to find a soft word in the English tongue to 
describe villanny, or ideniify the perpetrator of it. The 
man who makes a chattel of his brother — what is he ? 
The man who keeps back the hire of his laborers by fraud 
— what is he ? They who prohibit the circulation of the 
Bible — what are they? They who compel two millions 
of men and women to herd together, in promiscuous in- 
tercourse, like brute beasts — what are they? They who 
sell mothers by the pound, and children in lots to suit 
purchasers — what are they? I care not what terms are 
applied to them, provided they do apply. If they are not 
thieves, if they are not adulterers, if they are not tyrants, 
if they are not men-stealers, I should like to know what 
is their true character, and by what names they may be 
called. It is as mild an epithet to say that a thief is a 
thief, as it is to say that a spade is a spade. Words are 
but the signs of ideas. ''Arose by any other name 
would smell as sweet." Language may be misapplied, 
and so be absurd or unjust — as, for example, to say that 
an abolitionist is a fanatic, or that a slaveholder is an 
honest man. But to call things by their right is 
to use neither hard nor improper language. Epithets 
may be rightly applied, it is true, and yet be uttered in a 
bad spirit, or with a malicious design. What then? 
Shall we discard all terms which are descriptive of crime, 
because they are not ahvays used with fairness and pro- 
priety? He who, when he sees oppression, cries out 
against it — who, when he beholds his equ^l brother trod- 
den under foot by the iron hoof of despotism, rushes to 
his rescue — who, when he sees the weak overborre by 
'^the strong, takes sides v/ith the former, at the immn.3nt 
peril of his own safety — such a man needs no certificate 
to the excellence of his temper, or the sincerity of his 
heart, or the disinterestedness of his conduct. It is the 
apologist of slavery — he who can see the victim of thieves 
Iving bleeding and helpless on the cold earth, and yet 


turn aside like the callous-hearted priest and Levite — 
who needs absolution. 

The anti-slavery cause is beset by many dangers. But 
there is one which we have special reason to apprehend. 
It is, that this hollow cant and senseless clamor about 
'^ hard language," will insensibly check that free utter- 
ance of thought, and close application of the truth, which 
have characterized abolitionists from the beginning. As 
that cause is becoming popular, and many may be in- 
duced to espouse it from motives of policy, rather than 
from any reverence for principle, let us beware how we 
soften our just severity of speech, or emasculate a single 
ephithet. The whole scope of the English language is 
inadequate to describe the horrors and impieties of slave- 
ry, and the transcendant wickedness of those who sus- 
tain this bloody system. Instead of repudiating any of 
its strong terms, therefore, we rather need a new and 
stronger dialect. Hard language! Let us mark those 
who complain of its use. In ninety-nine cases out of a 
hundred, they will be found to be the most unscrupulous 
in their allegations, the most bitter in their spirit, the 
most vituperative in their manner of expression, when 
alluding to abolitionists. The cry of "hard language" 
has become stale in my ears. The faithful ulterance of 
that language has, by the blessing of God, made the anti- 
slaverij cause what it is — ample in resources, strong in 
numbers, victorious in conflict. Like the hand-writing 
upon the wall of the palace, it has caused the knees of 
the American Belshazzar to smite together in terror, and 
filled with dismay all who follow in his train. Soft phrases 
and honied accents were tried in vain for many a year: — 
they had no adaptation to the subject. ''Canst thou 
draw out the leviathan. Slavery, with an hook.^ or his 
tongue with a cord which thou lettest down? Canst thou 
put a hook into his nose.^ or bore his jaw through with a^ 
thorn.'' Will he make many supplications unto thee? i 
wilt thou take him for a servant forever? Shall not one I 
be cast down at the sight of him? Out of his nostrils go- . 
eth smoke, as out of a seething pot or caldron. His 
breath kindleth coals, and a flame goeth out of his mouth. 
His heart is as firm as a stone; yea, as hard as a pieces ^j 


of the nether mill-stone: When he raiseth up himself, 
even the mighty are afraid. He esteemeth iron as straw 
and brass as rotten wood." O the surpassing folly of 
those '^ wise and prudent" men, who think he may be 
coaxed into a willingness to be destroyed, and who re- 
gard him as the gentlest of all fish — provided he be let 
alone ! They say that it will irritate him to charge him 
w^ith being a leviathan, he will cause the deep to boil 
like a pot. Call him a dolphin, and he will not get an- 
gry! If I should call these sage advisers by their proper 
names, no doubt they would be irritated too. 

Strong denunciatory language is consistent with gen- 
tleness of spirit, long-suffering, and perfect charity. It 
was the God whose name is Love, who could speak even 
to his chosen people in the following terms, by the mouth 
of his prophet Ezekiel: — ''An end, the end has come up- 
on the four corners of the land. I will send mine anger 
upon thee, and will judge thee according to thy ways, 
and will recompense upon thee all thy abominations. 
And mine eye shall not spare, neither will I have pity." 
'' A third part of thee shall die with the pestilence, and 
with famine shall they be consumed in the midst of thee: 
and a third part shall fall by the sword round about thee, 
and I will scatter a third part into all the winds, and I 
will draw out a sword after them." It was the Lamb of 
God who could exclaim, — '' Woe unto you, scribes and 
Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye devour widow's houses, 
and for a pretence make long prayers: therefore ye shall 
receive the greater danmation. Ye blind guides! which 
strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. Ye serpents, ye 
generation of vipers! how can ye escape the damnation 
of hell?" It was the martyr Stephen, who, though in his 
dying agonies, supplicated forgiveness for his enemies, and 
a few moments before his cruel death could address his 
!^ countrymen in the following strain: — '' Ye stiff-necked, 
I and uncircumcised in heart and ears, ye do always resist 
1 the Holy Ghost: as your fathers did, so do ye. Which 
J of the prophets have not your fathers persecuted? and ye 

ihave slain them which showed before of the coming of 
the Just One; of whom ye have been now the betrayers 
and murderers." 



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Christians have bought ! 

Cast down, great God, the fanes 
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No. V and VI. 
The Offering, 65 

To the Abolitionists of Massachusetts, - - - - 66 

West India Emancipation, 68 

Instincts of Childhood, (a Dialogue) - - - - 75 

The Spirit of Abolitionists, - - 81 

Picture of Slavery, 85 

The Equality of the Colored Race, ------ 87 

Hymns, .--- 89 

2rp (©ffrrinfl 

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Are you republicans? — away! 
^Tis blasphemy the word to say. 
You talk of freedom? Gut, for shame! 
Your lips contaminate the name. 
How dare you prate of public good, 
Your hands besmear 'd with human blood? 
How dare you lift those hands to heav'n 
And ask or hope to be forgiven? 
How dai-e you breathe the wounded air 
That wafts to heaven the negro's prayer? 
How dare you tread the conscious earth, 
That gave mankind an equal birth? 
And while you thus inflict the rod, 
How dare you say there is a God 
That will, in justice, from the skies 
Hear and avenge his creatures' cries? 
^* Slaves to be sold." Hark! what a sound! 
Ye give America a wound, 
A scar, a stigma of disgrace, 
Which you nor time can e'er efface, 
And prove, of nations yet unborn, 
The curse, the hatred, and the scorn! 



The Americans, in their conduct towards the slaves, 
were traitors to the cause of human liberty, foul detract- 
ors of the democratic principle which he had cherished 
throughout his political life, and blasphemers of that great 
and sacred name which they pretended to recognise. 
For, in their solemn league and covenant, the Declara 
tion of Americani Independence, they declared that all 


men (he used their own words) have certain '^ inalienable 
rights" — these they defined to be, life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness. To maintain these, they pleuged 
themselves with all the "solemnity of an oalhj m ino 
presence of Almighty God. The aid which they invoked 
trom heaven has been awarded to them, but they have 
violated their awfully solemn compact with the Deity, 
and set at nought every principle which they professed to 
hold sacred, by keeping two and a half millions of their 
fellow-men in bondage. In reprobation of that disgrace- 
ful conduct, his humble voice had been heard across the 
wide waves of the Atlantic. Like the thunder-storm in 
its strength, it had careered against the breeze, armed 
with the lightning of Christian truth. And let them seek 
to repress it as they may — let them murder and assassi- 
nate in the true spirit of Lynch law; the storm would 
wax louder and louder around them, till the claims of 
justice became too strong to be withstood, and the black 
man would stand up too big for his chains. It seemed, 
indeed — he hoped what he was about to say was not 
profanation — as if the curse of the Almighty had already 
overtaken them. For the first time in their pohtical 
history, disgraceful tumult and anarchy had been wit- 
nessed in their cities. Blood had been shed without the 
sanction of lav/, and even Sir Robert Peel had been en- 
abled to taunt the Americans with gross inconsistency and 
lawless proceedings. He differed from Sir Robert Peel 
on many points. On one point, however, he fully agreed 
with him. Let the proud Americans learn that all par- 
ties in this country unite in condemnation of their present e 
conduct; and let them also learn, that the worst of all 
aristocracies is that which prevails in America — an aris- 
tocracy which had been aptly denominated that of the 
human skin. The most insufferable pride was that shown 
by such an aristocracy. 

He would continue to hurl his taunts across the At- 
lantic. These would ascend the Mississippi, they would 
descend the Missouri, and be heard along the banks of 
the Ohio and Monongahela, till the black man would leap 


had framed to prevent the instruction of their slaves. 
To teach a slave to read was made a capital offence. 
To be seen in company with a negro who could write 
was visited with imprisonment, and to teach a slave the 
principles of freedom, was punished with death. Were 
these human laws, it might be asked? Were they not 
laws made by wolves of the forest? No, they were made 
by a congregation of two-legged wolves — American 
wolves — monsters in human shape, who boast of their 
liberty and of their humanity, while they carry the hearts 
of tigers within them. With regard to the attacks which 
had been made upon his countrymen by such men, he 
rejoiced at them. These proved to him that the suffep- 
ings to which they had been subjected in the land of 
their birth, had not been lost upon them; but that their 
kindly affections had been nurtured into strength, and 
that they had ranged themselves on the side of the op- 
pressed slave. 



Tell me not of rights — talk not of the property of the 
planter in his slaves. 1 deny the right — I acknowledge 
not the property. The principles, the feelings, of our 
common nature, rise in rebellion against it. Be the 
appeal made to the understanding or to the heart, the 
sentence is the same that rejects it. In vain you tell me 
of laws that sanction such a claim! There is a law 
above all the enactments of human codes — the same 
throughout the world, the same in all times — such as it 
was before the daring genius of Columbus pierced the 
night of ages, and opened to one world the sources of 
power, wealth, and knowledge; to another, all unutter- 
able woes; such it is at this day: it is the law written by 
delighted to express his gratitude to those who had ef- 
fected his emancipation. 

If there was one thing which more than another could 
excite his hatred, it was the laws which the Americans 



the finger of God on the heart of man; and by that law^ 
unchangeable and eternal, while men despise fraud, and 
loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with 
indignation the wild and guilty fantasy, that man can 
hold property in man! In vain you appeal to treaties, to 
covenants between nations. The covenants of the Al- 
mighty, whether the old or the new, denounce such 
unholy pretensions. To those laws did they of old re- 
fer, who maintained the African trade. Such treaties 
did they cite, and not untruly; for by one shameful com- 
pact, you bartered the glories of Blenheim for the traffic 
in blood! Yet, in despite of law and of treaties, that 
infernal traffic is now destroyed, and its votaries put to 
death like other pirates. How came this change to 
pass? Not assuredly by parliament leading the way; 
but the country at length awoke; the indignation of the 
people was kindled; it descended in thunder, and smote 
the traffic, and scattered its guilty profits to the winds. 

One word before I sit down, and that shall be in ref- 
erence to those other countries which, by a singular co- 
incidence, obtained their freedom about the same period 
w^hen we began our effective struggle — the Americans 
having obtained their political freedom about the time 
when Thomas Clarkson began to agitate the question of 
the slave trade, and the French having obtained their 
restoration to freedom in the very same month when 
Yorkshire enabled us, by the spirit which it then ex- 
hibited, to accomplish the great object of emancipation, 
for which we had previously so long struggled in vain. 
That being the case, is it not melancholy as it regards 
France — is it not unspeakably mournful — nay, is it not 
absolutely monstrous (I use the term without meaning 
offence,) as regards America — is it not matter of the pro- 
foundest wonder, that in a country which boasts of being 
the freest (and, politically speaking, it is one of the freest 
on the face of the earth,) should be the country which 
seems to cling the most closely to the slavery of the ne- 
groes, a slavery which, when compared with the fetters 
which they (the Americans) so nobly burst asunder, in 


their resistance to the oppressions of the mother country, 
may be compared to straws laid upon the back of a 
camel? Can this endure — can such an anomaly be per- 
petuated — ean so gross, so violent, so egregious an in- 
consistency continue among 13,000,000 of enlightened 
men? I pronounce it impossible. I have always stood 
forward as the fast friend of America. I have no doubt 
that the advice I now give her in the spirit of candor and 
friendship, will be received by her in the spirit in which 
it is offered. 



What a day is this for the now, at last, emancipated 
isles of the sea! What a day is this for the oppressed 
and the oppressors of our own country! What a day 
for the blighted continent of Africa! What a day for 
the cause of impartial liberty — of crushed humanity 
throughout the world!! Thanks be to God that we have 
lived to see this day. Let us celebrate it. It is becom- 
ing to do so. It would be ungrateful not to. Let us 
celebrate this day, not by the pomp and circumstance 
of military parades — ^not by glittering shows and deafen- 
ing noises — by the clattering drum — the discordant trum- 
pet — the clangor of arms, or the booming cannon. No! 
oh no! the event, which shall make this day dear to the 
latest generations of men, was not procured by carnal 
weapons. It was a moral triumph — a victory achieved 
by the power of truth — the sword of the Spirit, the word 
of God. The event we this day commemorate stirs with- 
in us emotions too deep for utterance in noisy exultation. 
On the 4th of July let the shouts of the people, if they 
t may, fill the air — and, as a mighty wind, rend the 
I mountains, and break the rocks in pieces — and let the 
I roar of cannon shake as an earthquake the solid ground: 


the Lord was not in the event they thus commemorate. 
But the 1st of August is consecrated to the memory of 
an event that was accomplished not by human strength 
or stratagem. It was the Lord's doing — and it is mar- 
vellous in our eyes. In it we see His hand. In it we 
hear His still, small voice. 

" No war or battle sound 
Was heard the world around ; 
But peaceful was the night," 
In which, by moral might, 
The glorious deed was done. 

Ever let this day be hallowed! It must, it will be ever 
hallowed by the friends of humanity — for its return will 
bring to especial remembrance an event more auspicious 
to the cause of the poor and oppressed of our race, than 
any other event since the advent of the Messiah. Here- 
after the philanthropist will feel assured by the event of 
the 1st of August, that he need not despair of his object 
if it be a good one, and he be patient, persevering and 
fearless. It is not to be supposed that we can now al- 
ready appreciate all the importance of the event we cel- 
ebrate. We see its bearing upon the abolition of slavery 
in our own country, and throughout the world. In time 
to come, those who may be moved to attempt the extir- 
pation of some other mighty evil yet untouched, will look 
back for encouragement to the success of the British 
Abolitionists. This has gone far to establish this most 
animating doctrine, which all reformers need believe, 
that whatever ought to he done can be done — xvhatever is 
Tight is practicable. 

The abolition of slavery in the British West Indies,' 
this day consummated, is a signal illustration of the 
omnipotence of truth — of the entire sufficiency of moral 
means to effect the subversion of the worst forms of 
human ill. It is a practical commentary — it is a living 
fulfilment of the promise of Jesus to his disciples, that if 
they only had faith they should remove mountains. For 


what evil ever afflicted any portion of the human family, 
more monstrous — more mountainous — more deeply rooted 
— of longer standing, than slavery? In a harsher or a 
milder form, it has prevailed in the world from the re- 
motest time. It originated in the barbarous practices of 
men who knew no better principle than that might gives 
right. Its foundations were laid in the lowest passions 
of the human bosom — revenge — pride — the thirst for 
gold — the lust of power — the love of ease. These are 
the base passions that gave being to slavery — and they 
are fostered by their offspring. The common sentiment 
of mankind has acquiesced in this great iniquity — and 
even Christian moralists have attempted its justification. 
No other abomination — except it be its nearest kindred, 
the custom of war — no other abomination is so strongly 
entrenched in the world as this has been for ages. But 
it has been successfully assailed — assailed in its worst 
form — at one of its strongest points — and completely car- 
ried! Blessed be God, we can say to-day completely 
carried!! And it needs not a prophet's vision to foresee 
that this is but the precursor of other and greater vic- 

African slavery no longer exists under the British 
Crown. It has this day passed away au^ong the things 
that were. It has become a matter of history. 



West India Emancipation has borne a singular testi- 
mony to the noble elements of the negro character. It 
may be doubted, whether any other race would have 
borne this trial, as well as they. Before the day of free- 
dom came, the West Indies and this country foreboded 
fearful consequences from the sudden transition of such 
Si multitude from bondage to liberty. Revenge, massa- 


ere, unbridled lust, were to usher in the grand festival of 
Emancipation, which was to end in the breaking out of a 
new Pandemonium on earth. Instead of this, the holy 
day of liberty was welcomed by shouts and tears of 
gratitude. The liberated negroes did not hasten as 
Saxon serfs in like circumstances might have done, to 
haunts of intoxication, but to the house of God. Their 
rude churches were thronged. Their joy found utter- 
ance in prayers and hymns. History contains no record 
more touching, than the account of the religious, tender 
thankfulness which this vast boon awakened in the negro 
breast. And what followed? Was this beautiful emo- 
tion an evanescent transport, soon to give way to ferocity 
and vengeance? It was natural for masters, who had 
inflicted causeless stripes, and filled the cup of the slaves 
with bitterness, to fear their rage after liberation. But 
the overwhelming joy of freedom having subsided, they 
returned to labor. Not even a blow was struck in the 
excitement of that vast change. No violation of the 
peace required the interposition of the magistrate. The 
new relation was assumed easily, quietly, without an act 
of violence; and, since that time, in the short space of 
two years, how much have they accomplished? Beau- 
tiful villages have grown up. Little freeholds have been 
purchased. The marriage tie has become sacred. The 
child is educated. Crime has diminished. There are 
islands, where a greater proportion of the young are 
trained in schools, than among the whites of the slave 
states. I ask, whether any other people on the face of 
the earth, would have received and used the infinite 
blessing of liberty so well. 

The history of West India Emancipation teaches us, 
that we are holding in bondage one of the best races of 
the human family. The negro is among the mildest, 
gentlest of men. He is singularly susceptible of im- 
provement from abroad. His children, it is said, receive 
more rapidly than ours the elements of knowledge. How 
far he can originate improvements, time only can teach. 
His nature is affectionate, easily touched; and hence is 


more open to religious impression than the white man. 
The European race have manifested more courage, en- 
terprise, invention; but in the dispositions which Christi- 
anity particularly honors, how inferior art^ they to the 
African I When I cast my eyes over our southern re- 
gion, the land of Bowie knives, lynch law, and duels, of 
'* chivalry," honor, and revenge; and when I consider 
that Christianity is declared to be a spirit of charity, 
'* which seeketh not its own, is not easily provoked, 
thinketh no evil, and endureth all things," and is also 
declared to be ''the wisdom from above, which is first 
pure, then peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full 
of mercy and good fruits;" can I hesitate in deciding, to 
which of the races in that land Christianity is most 
adapted, and in which its noblest disciples are most likely 
to be reared? It may be said, indeed, of all the Euro- 
pean nations, that they are distinguished by qualities 
opposed to the spirit of Christianity; and it is one of the 
most remarkable events of history, that the religion of 
Jesus should have struck root among them. As yet it 
has not subdued them. The "law of honor," the strong- 
est of all laws in the European race, is, to this day, di- 
rectly hostile to the character and word of Christ. The 
African carries within him, much more than we, the 
germs of a meek, long-suffering, loving virtue. A short 
residence among the negroes in the West Indies im- 
pressed me with their capacity of improvement. On all 
sides I heard of their religious tendencies, the noblest in 
human nature. I saw, too, on the plantation where I 
resided, a gracefulness and dignity of form and motion, 
rare in my own native New England. And this is the 
race which has been selected to be trodden down and 
confounded with the brutes I Undoubtedly the negroes 
are debased; for were slavery not debasing, I should 
have little quarrel with it. But let not their degradation 
be alleged in proof of peculiar incapacity of moral eleva- 
tion. They are given to theft; but there is no peculiar 
aggravated guilt, in stealing from those by whom they 
are robbed of all their rights, and their very persons. 


They are given to falsehood; but this is the very effect 
produced by oppression on the Irish peasantry. They 
are undoubtedly sensual; and yet the African counte- 
nance seldo|pi shows that coarse, brutal sensuality, which 
is so common in the face of the white man. I should 
expect from the African race, if civilized, less energy, 
less courage, less intellectual originality than in our race, 
but more amiableness, tranquility, gentleness, and con- 
tent. They might not rise to an equality in outward 
condition, but would probably be a much happier race. 
There is no reason for holding such a race in chains; 
they need no chain to make them harmless. 


Dramatis PersoncB. 

Julia Manning, a Young Lady, -^ 

Albert Cranston, | j j 

Eo I J-jaas. 

dward Simmons, ) 

Oliver Seward, a Fugitive Slave, 

Scene — Edward and Julia ivalking in a grove — they meet 


Edward, Good evening, Albert, I am glad to see you, 
for we were just conversing on some subjects in which 
we feel no little interest, and would like to have your 
opinion concerning them. 

Albert. Well, since there are so many things at the 
present day to excite our minds, it is difficult to guess, 
(although a yankee,) what you were speaking upon. 

Edward. We were talking about the poor slaves of 
our country, and wondering how any one could be so des- 
titute of the common feelings of humanity as to sanction 
in any way so abominable a system of oppression as 
American slaveholding. 

Albert. Oh ! I guess you are getting to be one of 
those hot-headed abolitionists. I wonder if you would 


be willing to give up your slaves, if you had them, and 
work yourself in a southern sun. You could not stand 
it all ; and then what would you do for help ? 

Edward. Do ? I would first make my slaves free, and 
then hire them as I would any other men. 

Albert. Yes, but that would be too expensive for your 
business, and bankruptcy and poverty would soon be 
your reward for your generosity to your slaves. 

Edivard. No, Albert. I belieVe, if the southern 
planters would emancipate their slaves to-night, and pay 
them a fair price for their labor, it would be for their 
interest, as much more labor will be performed by a free- 
man under the same circumstances, than by the same 
person when he feels the galling chain of bondage con- 
tinually pressing on him. 

Albert. Yes, but great danger would arise to the 
people, should the slaves be emancipated. Do you not 
think so, cousin Julia? 

Julia. Why so, Albert? 

Albert. Oh! they would wish to imitate their masters 
in living without work, and would soon be compelled to 
starve, or live by robbing and plundering every one they 
could lay their hands upon. 

Julia. Well, Albert, you have really conjured up 
quite a scarecrow story. Why, this very necessity 
(which tends to insubordination in the slave) would stim- 
ulate the freeman — would induce him to labor — to labor 
willingly and cheerfully, — since he is his own master, 
and whatever he may earn is his own; and, with a bright 
prospect before him for the future, he would do more for 
the man who hired him, and treated him as a human 
being, in one week, than he he had done belore in thrice 
that time. 

Albert. Do you really think so? 

Julia. Yes, 1 do. Let me appeal to your own feel- 
ings. Would you be the same happy, active lad, if you 
were put into the situation of the slave, (allowing that 
you had a kind master?) Would you work as cheer- 
fully were you driven to it by a taskmaster as you now 


do for your father, on his farm? Would not your better 
feeHngs be shocked, and paralyzed by such degradation? 

Albert. But, Julia, the slaves are an ignorant race of 
beings, and, from their very nature, seem only fitted for 

Julia, But the slaves, if freed from the heavy yoke of 
bondage under which they now groan, would rise in the 
scale of life, and that, too, immediately. 

Albert. You give more credit to the energies of the 
blacks than I had supposed belonged to them, under any 

Julia. We must not forget that they have always been 
a despised, outcast people, and have had but little chance, 
even when freemen, to advance much in the scale of so- 
cial life. 

Albert. Do you think, then, that they can be made 
useful citizens in the community, and stand on an equal 
footing with the whites? 

Edioard. Do you observe that well dressed, intelli- 
gent looking man, who is coming towards us? He is a 
fugitive slave. It is but three years since he commenced 
taking care of himself, yet no one is more respected for 
ability and activity. Let us ask him some questions. 

[jBnfer Oliver Seward.] 

Edioard. We w^ish to ask you the reasons which in- 
duced you to leave your master. Was he cruel in. his 
treatment of you ? 

Oliver. He was not. I had a very kind master; but 
it is hard to be a slave. I struggled long between my 
affection for my mother and brothers, and my love o 
liberty — and might, perhaps, have remained a slave to 
this day, had it not been for a flogging which I received 
for breaking, accidentally, one of the plantation tools. 
This roused my spirit, and I resolved to effect my escape, 
or die, rather than submit any longer. 

Albert. But do you not fear that you may be sick, and 
unable to provide for yourself? You would then wish 
for the protection and care of your master. 


Oliver, I hope to be able to guard against want in the 
case you suppose ; but I would far prefer to die a free-^ 
MAN, than to live a slave. 

Albert, Would the slaves be contented to remain and 
labor for their masters, if thej were made free, and of- 
fered fair wages? 

Oliver. They would be glad to do so. The climate I 
of the South is more agreeable to them than the cold \ 
winters of the Northern States, and they are attached to \ 
the places which have always been to them a home. '' 

Albert. But would not many of the slaves retaliate 
the injury they may have received, upon the masters, if 
they were emancipated? 

Oliver. Why should they? It is contrary to their 
nature to return injury for benefit. They would then 
have none but the kindest feelings towards their masters; 
now, they cannot but think on the wrongs they endure; 
and the time must come, when, if those wrongs are not 
redressed, the limit to their forbearance will be passed, 
and they will extort, by the strong hand of power, that . 
justice so long denied. It is slavery, not freedom, which \ 
threatens violence to the masters. The happy results of I 
emancipation in Mexico, Peru, Hayti, and the British | 
West Indies, prove this. 

Albert. But do you think, Edward, that loe are in any 

way responsible for this evil, as it exists in our country? 

Edtoard. I certainly do; for it is a moral blot on our 

country *s fame, which we must speedily wipe out, or it 

will mar its glory forever. 

Albert. 1 do believe slavery an evil, but I have not 
thought so deeply upon it before. The worst feature in 
it to my mind, however, is its cruelty in separating hus- 
bands and wives, and I had hoped that they did not feel 
so strong an attachment to relatives and friends as we do. 
Julia. I am glad, Albert, you have mentioned that, 
I for it is really a very sad view of the subject; you have 
I already seen, from the conversation of our friend Oliver^ 
that their sympathies are as strong as ours; but to my 
fi mind, the consideration that mind and soul are enslaved. 


or, more properly, destroyed, by the system, is sufficient 
to outweigh all others. 

Albert. Well, I do think we should act more con- 
sistently on so important a subject, and I will give it a 
better place in my heart than I have heretofore done. 

Edward. I hope you will think candidly and seriously 
on so momentous a question, and feel yourself bound to 
do all in your power to atone for past neglect. 



It is not a little surprising that the professors of Chris- 
tianity, whose chief excellence consists in softening the 
human heart, in cherishing and improving its finer feel- 
ings, should encourage slavery — a practice so totally re- 
pugnant to the first impressions of right and wrong. What 
adds to the wonder is, that this abominable practice has 
been introduced in the most enlightened ages. Times 
that seem to have pretensions to boast of high improve- 
ments in the arts and sciences, and refined morality, 
have brought into general use, and guarded by many 
laws, a species of violence and tyranny, which our more 
rude and barbarous, but more honest ancestors, detested. 
Is it not amazing, that at a time, when the rights of hu- 
manity are defined and understood with precision, in a 
country above all others fond of liberty; that in such an 
age, and in such a country, we find men professing a re- 
ligion the most humane, mild, gentle and generous, 
adopting a principle as repugnant to humanity, as it is 
inconsistent with the Bible, and destructive to liberty ? 
Every thinking, honest man rejects it in speculation ; how 
few in practice, from conscientious motives ! 

Would any one believe that I am master of slaves, of 
my own purchase ? I am drawn along by the general 
inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I 


cannot justify it. However culpable my conduct, T will 
so far pay. my devoir to virtue, as to own the excellence 
and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of 
conformity to them. 

# ^ =M= js life gQ (3ear, or peace so sweet, as to be 
purchased at the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid 
it, Almighty God ! — I know not what course others may 
take ; but as for me, give mo liberty, or give me death ! 



Why rages the South, mid her bright, sunny rillsj 

Where the bondman, unheeding, iS bent to the sod? 
Why scowls the stern North, on her rock-seated hills. 

As the spirit of Freedom is moving abroad ? 
Ah! vainly they trust, in their arrogant pride, 
They can turn back the Truth in her conquerless tide, 
While onward she rushes, majestic and free, 
Like the Amazon's wave, as it sweeps to the sea. 

Let them bind, if they will, the swift clouds as they run- 
The storm-bolt — the whirldwind — the tempest of hail- 
Turn back the red light to its home in the sun — 

Stay the ruin that rides on the wing of the gale; 
But they never shall bind, with a tyrant's command. 
The Spirit of Freedom gone forth in our land, 
Or fetter the Truth, as she moves through the world, 
With her hand to the sword, and her banner unfurled. 

The war-cry of Liberty burs's on the ear: 

Her legions are charging with fetterless speed; 

Yet not in the strength of the buckler and spear, 
Or the prancing, in pride , of the iron-hoofed steed. 


The weapons of death are flung down to the sod, 
And the Truth in its pureness, made mighty by God 
To trample the minions of error in dust, 
Is their van-guard — their rear-ward — their strength, and 
their trust. 

And shall the oppressor, uprising in wrath, 
Turn back that free spirit, fast hurrying forth, 

Like an angel from heaven on her merciful path. 

To raise the poor bondman now crushed to the earth? 

O^ever! for lo, 'tis the hand of the Lord 

That guideth that Spirit unerring abroad; 

His arm that is stretched o'er the perishing slave, 

From the power of the cruel and haughty to save. 

The hireling may prophesy falsely for gold, 

And the traitor turn back from the field of the fight; 
The shepherd sleep on, with the wolf in the fold. 

While the watchmen of Zion tell nought of the nighty 
And the '' chivalric Southrons rise up to their aid, 
With halter and faggot, with rifle and blade; 
But vainly are lust of dominion and pride. 
To check the strong impulse of Freedom allied. 

Though the Priest and the Levite pass by and are 
Her course is resistless, her triumph decreed; 
On her errand of mercy to man she shall speed, 

Till the day of his perfect redemption hath come — • 
While the blackness of darkness, its banner shall wave. 
And the " damn'd howl the requiem" o'er Tyranny ^s , 

grave , 
And the last galling chain, on that terrible day. 
In the breath of God's wrath shall be melted away. 






Dramatis PersoncB. 
Mr. Freeman, a New England Abolitionists 
Rev. Dr. Fullcreed, ^ an Abolitionist but" — in other words, 
an apologist for slavery, a member of 
the American Board, Sfc, 
CoL fioMBASTO, a Slaveholder from the South. 
Thos. Turnwell, Esq., a Planter from Barhadoes, formerly 

a Slaveholder* 
Miss Va-TRO-^, a Distinguished Lady from the South, former- 
ly a Slaveholder, 

ScE^^E— .^n Anil- Slavery Room in Boston, ivhere a number 
of persons are assembled to make arrangements prepara- 
iory to the Celebration of the First of August. 

[Enter Mr. Freeman and Rev. Dr. Fullcreed.'] 
Rev. Dr. Fullcreed. Mr. Freeman, I understood you 
were to hold an informal meeting here this morning, pre- 
paratory to your celebration, and for free and friendly 
conversation among the friends of anti-slavery. Although 
I do not agree with you in all your measures, you know I 
am friendly to the cause ; and as it is your practice to 
admit opponents as well as friends to a free discussion of 
our principles, I would introduce Col. Bombasto, a friend 
of mine, now at my house, a slaveholder, from the South. 
He was on his way to New Hampshire, but hearing of 
your celebration, he has made his calculation to be pre- 
sent, provided there is no objection. The Colonel is a 
very exemplary Christian, and a member of the Rev. Dr. 
Fullrobe's church in Savanah, where I often visit, where 
1 have a daughter and many friends, and where I am al- 
ways treated with the utmost hospitality and kindness. 

Mr. Freeman. Very well. Dr., bring on your slave- 
holding friend. We shall be glad to see and hear you 


both. A goodly number of our anti-slavery friends from 
a distance are already here, among whom are Mr. Turn- 
well,' a wealthy and distinguished planter from Barbadoes, 
formerly a slaveholder ; and Miss Patron, an intelligent 
lady of family and rank, from the South. We have no dread 
of seeing and meeting our opponents; aye, and of laying 
our hearts open before them — of telling them all our prin- 
ciples, views and feelings. If a slaveholder comes into 
our meeting, we are not seized with horror and filled 
with fearful apprehensions of the result. We d(» not 
order him out of our meeting, and send a mob to seize 
him, drag him to prison and to court to be tried as a 
criminal. No ; so far from sending him away, we invite 
him to a seat, and a part in our discussions. And we are 
also glad to see you, Doctor, and as many of your rev- 
erend and learned associates as choose to be present, 
although you keep the subject of slavery out of your 
churches, and refuse to read our notices from your pul- 
pits, and forget to mention the condition of the poor, 
oppressed slave in your prayers, while you are so fer- 
vently praying for the heathen abroad^ and raising money 
to send him the gospel. 

Rev. Dr. Fuller eed. Why, as to keeping slavery out 
of the church, out of the pulpit and our prayers, Mr. 
Freeman, I know you abolitionists have been in the 
habit of making objections, but there are difficulties at- 
tending the introduction of slavery. Some of our church 
members think it improper, and we dread getting the 
church divided by introducing exciting topics. For the 
same reason we omit the notices and prayers. But for 
the poor heathen there is no objection against praying or 

Mr. Freeman. So you are governed by the fear of 
man, rather than the fear of God. The solemn injunc- 
tion, ''Break every yoke and let the oppressed go free,'' 
has no application to you. Let me tell you, Doctor, 
there is' too much of the Priest and Levite, and not ^ 
enough of the good Samaritan, in our modern clergy. ? 
They turn aside from present distress, to relieve distant 



sufferers. ^^This ought ye to have done, and not to 
have left the other undone." But you are afraid of " di- 
viding the church " — afraid of doing your duty — you 
cannot trust in God for the result. / say/ a corrupt 
church ought to be divided, and the offensive members 
cast out. ^^ First pure, then peaceable," is the doctrine, 
^s I read it. If an eye offend thee, pluck it out ; even 
if a right hand offend, it should be cut off, and severed 
from the body. If we are to have blind leaders of the 
blind, we may expect the ditch will have its due. Priests 
that lov€ the praises of men — that love to be called 
Rabbi, and love the uppermost seats in the synagogues, 
are as plenty in these days as they were in the days of 
Christ ; and I had almost said, our churches seem as 
much lost to the spirit, and bound up in the forms of re- 
ligion, as were the Jews of old. So long as you fellow- 
ship men-stealers, thieves and robbers, in your churches, 
you will find it difficult ta perform your whole duty ; and 
especially if the fault is more in yourselves, Doctor, you 
will be inclined to omit *^ the weightier matters of the 

Rev. Dr. Fullcreed. I think you call our brethren of 
the South by hard names. Your language generally is 
too harsh toward slaveholders. I do not think they are 
so bad, or so much to blame, as you represent. Many 

of them are good Christians but hold ! Here comes 

my friend from the South, whom I mentioned. He can 
speak for himself Col. Bombasto, shall I make you 
acquainted with Mr. Freeman. 

Mr. Freeman. I am glad to see you, sir. \_They ad- 
vance and shake hands. ^ 

Rev. Dr. Fullcreed. Mr. Freeman is one of our prin- 
cipal abolitionists, and was just calling me to an account 
for not refusing to fellowship such men as yourself, who 
hold your fellow-men in bondage. You can now speak 
for yourself, Colonel, and I wish you would give your 
own views as to slavery, as to slaves, and the justice and 
propriety of holding them in bondage. 

Col. Bombasto. Why, as to my views, gentlemen, I 



can give them freely, and in a few words. I belieVe, 
first, that the slaves are better off now than they would 
have been in Africa. Second, that they are incapable 
of taking care of themselves. Third, that if there is 
any thing wrong in slavery, we are free from the guilty 
for the slaves were forced upon us by the British Gov- 
ernment, while we were under that authority. The slave*? 
are well provided for — are treated with kindness — and 
are, many of them, church members, and good Christ- 
ians, and are contented and happy. The northern peo-^ 
pie are wrongly informed on this subject. The slaves 
fare better than your free people of color do here in 
New England. I verily believe that the negroes were 
born to be slaves, and that the Bible itself clearly sanc- 
tions slavery. Our most pious people are slaveholders. 
I believe that liberty, in its purity, cannot exist without 
slavery— ^that a personal knowledge and constant sight of 
slavery is necessary to teach men the value of liberty — 
that men of the North know nothing of slavery, and 
have nothing to do with it. These are my sentiments. I 
should now like to hear yours, Mr. Freeman. 

Mr. Freeman. So you make God a respecter of per- 
sons, and a God of injustice. You consider liberty the 
greatest blessing on earth, and yet you are willing, and 
think it right, that a large portion of the human family 
should be deprived of it, because God has clothed them 
with a different dress— ^a. darker skin. I believe as you 
do, and much more abundantly, as to the value of liberty. 
I believe that all men ought to possess it — that all are 
^' born free and equal ;" and as to your throwing off the 
responsibility of slavery from yourselves to the British 
Government, Colonel, it is quite out of the question. 
When we threw off the British Government, and adopted 
a free government, you might, and should, as some of the 
states did, throw off this, the worst and most barbarous 
feature to be found under the old government. Even the 
British themselves have since rid themselves of this ig- 
nominy, at great expense. As to the consistency of 
slavery with religion, I think even your good friend Dr 


Fullcreed will hardly go with you in sentiment. But I 
see here Miss Patron, a friend to religion, formerly a 
slaveholder, from the South. As you will not allow that 
northern people know any thing of slavery, or have any 
thing to do with it, we will hear what one of your ov/a 
southern sisters w^ill say on the subject. Miss Patron, 
permit me to introduce you to Col. Bombasto, from 
Georgia, who has just been entertaining us with a eulogy 
on the glories of slavery, especially its consistency v/ith 
religion, and its benign and happy effects on Christianity. 
Let us, if you please, have your views, founded, as they 
are, on experience. 

Miss Patron. Does Col. Bombasto pretend to say 
that the influence of slavery is favorable to religion ? 

Mr. Freeman. Yes. He says your most pious people 
are slaveholders, and many ot tne slaves are church 
members, and good Christians — are well provided for, 
and contented and happy. Now I should like to know 
your opinion. 

Miss Patron. Well, I must say in the outset, that 1 
cannot agree with Col. Bombasto in any of these asser- 
tions. It is true, there are some slaveholders who are 
not guilty of any of the more aggravated cruelties w^bich 
are common, and who provide well for their slaves. This 
is especially true with regard to many of the house ser- 

Col. Bombasto. Well, Miss Patron, I wish you would 
give us such facts as have come within your own knowl- 
edge, and such as may be relied on. Have you ever 
seen or known of any outrageous conduct toward slaves ? 
Are not many owners of slaves members of the same 
church with their slaves, and kind-hearted and exemplary 
Christians ^ 

./Miss Patron. Why, Col. Bombasto, my knowledge 

in this respect has not been very extensive, but those I 

I have known. Christian professors as well as others, have 

considered it a part of their duty to whip with severity 

'. Iheir slaves for very trifling oflences. This I say of 

iJiouse slaves. It is generally acknowledged, and never 


disputed, that field slaves are treated with greater hard- 
ship and cruelty. 

Col. Bombasto. But give us facts, Miss Patron — 
something which may be relied upon. What are the 
facts relating to the piety and exemplary walk of slave- 
holders ? 

Miss Patron. Well, Col. Bombasto, I have just been 
reading the testimony of Mrs. Angelina Grimke Weld 
on this very subject ; and as she will be allowed by all 
to be good authority, and has the happy talent of ex- 
pressing herself with great clearness, I will use her own 
language. She says : [Reading.'] 

*' I saw nothing of slavery in its most vulgar and re- 
pulsive forms. I saw it in the citij, among the fashionable 
and the honorable, where it was garnished by refine- 
ment, and decked out for show. A few facts will unfold 
the state of society in the circle with which I was fa- 
miliar, far better than any general assertions I can make. 

^'I will first introduce the reader to a woman of the 
highest respectability — one who was foremost in every 
benevolent enterprise, and stood for many years, I may 
say, at the head of the fashionable elite of the city of 
Charleston, and afterwards at the head of the moral and 
religious female society there. It was after she had made 
a profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable 
world, that I knew her ; therefore I will present her in 
her religious character. This lady used to keep cow- 
hides, or small paddles, (called pancake sticks,) in four 
different apartments in her house ; so that when she 
-wished to punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, 
she might not have the trouble of sending for an instru- 
ment of torture. 

'' For many years, one or another, and often more, of 
her slaves were flogged every day ; particularly the young 
slaves about the house, whose faces were slapped, or 
their hands beat with the 'pancake stick,' for every tri- 
fling oflence — and often for no fault at all. But the 
floggings were not all; the scoldings and abuse daily . 
heaped upon them all. were w^orse : 'fools' and 'liars,' j 


^ sluts ' and ' husseys,' ' hypocrites ' and ^ good-fbr-notli- 
ing creatures,' were the common epithets with which her 
mouth was filled, w^hen addressing her slaves, adults as 
well as children. Very often she wxuld take a position 
at her window, m an upper story, and scold at her slaves 
while vrorking in the garden, at some distance from the 
house, (a large yard intervening,) and occasionally order 
a flogging. I have knovrn her thus on the watch, scold- 
! ing for more than an hour at a time, in so loud a voice 
' that the whole neighborhood could hear her ; and this 
without the least apparent feeling of shame. Indeed, it 
was no diso'race amono- slaveholders, and did not in the 
least injure her standing, either as a lady or a Christian, 
in the aristocratic circle in which she moved. After the 
^revival' in Charleston, in 1825, she opened her house 
to social prayer-meetings. The room in which they were 
held in the evening, and where the voice of prayer was 
heard around the family altar, and where she herself re- 
tired for private devotion thrice each day, v/as the very 
place in which, when her slaves were to be whipped with 
the cowhide, they w^ere taken to receive the infliction ; 
and the wail of the suflerer would be heard, where, per- 
haps only a few hours previous, rose the voices of prayer 
and praise. This mistress v/ould occasionally send her 
slaves, male and female, to the Charleston workhouse, 
to be punished. One poor girl, whom she sent there to 
be flogged, and who was accordingly stripped nahed and 
whipped, showed me the deep gashes on her back — I 
might have laid my whole finger in them — large pieces of 
flesh had actually been cid oid by the toriuring lash. She 
sent another female slave there, to be imprisoned, and 
worked on the tread-mill. This girl was confined sev- 
eral days, and forced to w^ork the mill while in a state of 
suffering from another cause. For ten days, or two 
v/eeks after her return, she v/as lame, from the violent 
j exertion necessary to enable her to keep the step on the 
j machine. She spoke to me with intense feeling of this 
I outrage upon her, as a woman. Her men-servants were 
sometimes flogged there ; and so exceedingly offensive 


has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated backs, for 
days after the infliction, that they v/ould be kept out of 
the house — the smell arisinor from their bodies being too 
horrible to be endured. They were always stiff and sore 
for some days, and not in a condition to be seen by 

Mr. Freeman. Well, Colonel, as this lady was *' at 
the head of fashion and of the moral and religious so- 
ciety," you will admit this to be a fair specimen of the 
piety you spoke of 

Col. Bomhasto. It is a pretty strong case, I must 
acknowledge, and pretty well authenticated. 

Mr. Freeman. She appears to have shown her faith 
by her works. This, too, let it be remembered, was the 
fashion in Charleston, the most learned and refined city 
in all the South. If this is a specimen of the most ex- 
alted and refined piety, what must it be among the vul- 
gar ? Verily, their tender mercies are cruelty. 

Col. Bomhasto. It is strange that I have never seen 
such instances; when I have lived at the South all my 

Mr. Freeman. It is strange, indeed. But, Colonel, 
this case is mildness itself compared with some that we 
could relate, which come to us equally well authenti- 
cated. A gentleman who has resided several years at 
the South as a teacher and preacher, gives no better 
account of the Rev. Mr. Davis, who, it will be lecollected, 
came all the way from Georgia to attend our anti-slavery 
anniversaries in Boston, in 1841, and who was treated 
W'ith great attention and respect by our pro-slavery cler- 
gymen, and v/ith great forbearance and candor by the 
anti-slavery people. But the same gentleman relates an 
anecdote which took place under his own eye and ob- 
servation. He was in company with a slaveholding 
church-member, v/hen one of his slaves, who was also a 
member of the same church, was seen returming home 
very early one morning, v/hich showed that he had been 
away the night before, contrary to rule. Without ask- 


ing the slave why he had been absent, or givhig hnn any 
opportunity to tell why, or to defend himself, he called 
his bloodhounds and set them on to this poor slave and 
brother church-member, and ordered them to tear him 
to pieces. The poor slave got himself into a corner of 
the fence, and there, with a walking-stick, or club, 
which he held in his hand, kept them off till he found they 
were like to kill him, when he succeeded in getting on 
the top of the fence, all the time begging for his life. On 
this, the master and brother church-member drew his 
pistol, and told him him he would shoot him dead if he 
did not surrender himself to the bloodhounds, which he 
did : and, after being shockingly lacerated and mangled 
by these fierce animals, this master, this monster, call- 
ed them off. The slave was then permitted to give 
an account of himself. He was a millwright — a very 
ingenious workman, as well as an industrious, faithful, 
honest slave, and exemplary Christian. A neighbor had 
broken the wheel of his mill. There was no other man 
but this slave w^ho could mend it, and it was necessary it 
should be done without delay. He was sent for, but 
could not finish the work till into the night, when, by the 
slave laws, it was a high crime for him to go home, and 
he was compelled, after finishing the work, to stay till 
day-light. After this very satisfactory account, and in 
view of the inhuman cruelty and torture inflicted upon 
him, this monster master, and church-member, was asked 
why he suffered the bloodhounds to mangle and lacerate 
the slave, when he coolly replied, it would have hurt the 
training of the bloodhounds, and set them a bad exam- 
ple, to have called them off without doing their work ! 

Col. Bombasto. And yet, Paul sent back a slave to 
his master, Philemon. 

Mr. Freeman. Yes, and Paul also cautioned his 
brethren to '' beware of dogs " But if the church-mem- 
bers in those days had been as much like bloodhounds 
as '^ our southern brethren," Paul, instead of sending 
back the slaves, would have cautioned them to beware 
of their masters. Perhaps he had reference to these 


monsters in the shape of men, when he said, ^^ beware of 

Col. Bomhasio. Well, whatever others may have done, 
I am willing my slaves should tell how they have been 
treated. I know they are attached to their master, and 
I am willing, Mr. Freeman, that you should inquire of 
them. I have a female slave now with me in Boston, 
who came on from the South with me, and I defy you, 
Mr. Freeman, or any of your anti-slavery folks, to get 
her away. In fact, they made the attempt last year, 
(for she has been on here before now,) and they got out 
a writ of habeas corpus and took her, but she would not 
hear a word about leaving her master. She loves him 
and her own condition too well. 

Mr. Freeman. Not too fast, sir ; the abolitionists can 
tell you a story worth two of that. Your boasted slave 
has already left you : she went home last year only to 
see her husband, concert measures for clearing him, and 
bringing away her own substance — all of which she has 
already accomplished. She is free ; and, the next you 
will know, her husband will be free also. So you see, 
Colonel, by this instance, that the love of liberty is nat- 
urally implanted in the human breast, so deeply, too, 
that even your good treatment cannot restrain them, when 
liberty is once set before them. 

Col. Bombasto. \_Aside.'] Is it possible that ail this can 
be true ^ [then turning to Mr. F.~\ Well, whatever delu- 
sion may be carried to the slaves' minds in the sound of 
liberty, I belive they are incapable of taking care 
of themselves — that they were born to be slaves — and 
that if they were set at liberty, a general slaughter of 
the whites would be the inevitable consequence. 

Mr. Freeman. Why so in the slave states, any more 
than in the West India Islands, where the proportion of 
the blacks is much greater. [Enter Mr, Turmvell.'] But 
here comes Mr. Turnwell, a planter from one of those 
Islands, who was once a slaveholder, and can tell us 
all about the revolution and its effects on those Islands. 
Mr. Turnwell, let me introduce you to Col. Bombasto, a 


slaveholder front Georgia, who has just been expatiating 
on the glories of slavery, and the danger of immediate 
abolition. You are the very man to give us the result of 
your own experience, which I wish you would do direct- 
ly, as it is about time we were gone. 

Mr, Turmvell. Well, I must confess I have some 
compassion for the poor deluded slaveholders, I was 
formerly one myself, and thought, as they now think, 
that there is no safety in setting at liberty a large body 
of slaves, as they would retaliate upon us, and cut 
their masters' throats. Truth has taught me, that it is 
never too late to repent of doing wrong — that it is always 
safe to do right. Our colored people bear a much larger 
proportion to the whites than in your southern states ; 
and when they were all to Ipe^ set at liberty at once, we 
were under the most fearful apprehensions for the con- 
sequences. We smile now, when looking back on those 
groundless fears. The poor slaves were too much over- 
joyed at the result to harbor any malice, envy, or ill-will, 
toward their former masters. It is enough that the ser- 
vant be as his master. The large sum which was paid 
us by the English Government we also feel to be a gra- 
tuity, for without pay, the slaveholders would have been 
greatly benefitted. The slaveholders needed liberty as 
well as their slaves, and they received it at the same 
time. They are now free from the care and anxiety of 
supporting their workmen, and of much of the expense. 
They accomplish much more labor than they did while in 
bondage, and support themselves at a less expense. 
That is, 100 hogsheads of sugar cost the master less now, 
in the free state, than it did formerly in the slave state. 
At the same time, crimes are greatly diminished, and mor- 
als improved. In fact, our jails are now nearly useless. 
Churches and schools are multiplying, and we now know 
the luxury of living in peace, harmony and happiness. 
There is no part of the world where a person could sleep 
all night with his doors unlocked, with a trunk full of 
gold and silver in the doorway, unlocked, with more 
safety than in the island where I live. Let me assure 


my friend Col. Bombasto, that slavery, from beginning 
to end, in all its bearings, is a miserable delusion — a 
^ere work of the devil. [Exeunt omms.~\ 



Slarery miist pass airay. 

Words by Montgomery, 





~"3I — IT' 

-I — 


1. Let Mammon hold, while Mammon can. The bones and blood of 

,::^:i|=jz^4:pz^::|:-.^zd: j:-5z t L-gr^zg4gz p4 

2. The end will come, it will not wait, Bonds, yokes and scourges 








liv-ing man ; Let despots scorn, 'X'hile des-pots dare, The shrieks and 







have their date 3 Slaverj itself mtist pass a 





gg ggg 

way, And be a 



iVrithings of des - pair,The shrieks and writhings of des * pair. 

lale of yes-tef - day. And be a tale of yes - ter - day. 







Last night of Slavery. 


1. Let the floods clap their hands, Let the mountains rejoice! 



— ! 1-! — I — I— 1-1 — I — I— 


'— -'f^*-! 1 0-0' -, 


: :f ztzz?: z^ilEziz: :*zr=*z: : 

jbilant voice ! The sun, that rio\ 



And let all the glad lands Breathe a jubilant voice ! The sun, that now 

-I — 






-^ — 


sets on the waves of the sea, Shall gild with his rising the land of the 


-j — I — (-- -^-1 — ^- -1 — f-i-i— -! — I — 0i0 — i — \- — l-^^-f- 
-1 — ^-^- -I — '^-\-' -LJ-|-s^- -^-\ — h-4 — 0-0 ■ -«-l — I- 






Last night of Slavery. 









free, Shall gild with his rising- the land of the 






— X^_^_^_. 



2 Let the bondmen be glad! 

For their King in his might. 
Who his glory hath clad 

With a garment of light. 
In the waters the beams of his chambers hath laid, 

And in the green waters his pathway hath made. 

3 No more shall the deep 

Lend its awe-stricken waves. 
In their caverns to steep 

Its wild burden of slaves; 
The Lord sitteth King, sitteth King on the flood, 

He heard, and hath answer'd the voice of their 

4 Dispel the blue haze, 

Golden fountain of morn! 
With meridian blaze 

The wide ocean adorn; 
The sunlight has touch'd the glad waves of the sea, 

And day now illumines the land of the free, 


tHE MOXtHLl* OFFfeniNG, 

The day of Jubilee. 

Words by A. J. Duncan. 

"Siq: — 

1 . It comes ! the joy-ful day, When Tyfanny's proud s\Vayj 


2.Trumpof glad Ju-bi - lee I E-cho o'er land 

3!J5::»ip=rg::]rrlzzliszf»zr:ai=i=:zpi— f 

and sea, 


I ; And Freedom's flag, unfurl'dj 

Stern as the grave, Shall to the ground be hurl'd ; And Freedom's flag, unfurl'dj 


Freedom for alll Let the glad tidings fly, And ev-'ry tribe re-ply, 



■ tztz[z±Ez^t:ttzitzL: 

-j — i — I — I 


-^ £ 


-! — 


Shall wave through-out the world, O'er ev - 'ry slave. 

-^--^ ^-i^- 



' Glo - ry 


to God on high ! '^ At Sla-vert's 










• Nos.VII. and VIII. 

Address to Slaveholders ^ 

Inconsistency of America ^ 

Man cannot be the property of man yy 

The First of August ^ j"! 

The African Character j^d 

Duty and safety of Emancipation jUb 

Tribute to Truth IJ^ 

The Holy War ]]\ 

Dialogue on Slavery ^i^ 

Slavery must pass away ^^^ 

Last night of Slavery ^ J/ 

The Day of Jubilee A^» 

Will be published monthly-each number to contain 16 pages, bes.dei 

'*'te'bms.-To single subscribers, 37J cents per year. But to encourage 
its circulation, . j^iu.. 

Four copies will be sent lo one address for one dolla. . 

Payment in a^^^^ When orders are received wuhont the mone>, 

one No. only will be sent until payment is made. 

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feriiil I' is the cheapest Periodical in the land. 

" doctoFhitchcock^ 

98 Court Street, Boston. 



AT THE mechanics' FAIR. 

r\y:ble^be•natm■artI:rhI' They will aPways retain tlieir color, and do 

""ll^lt/arLuJilnT^d to filling decayed te«h. rendering then, 

"='"■"' *"''^"''°'''""kXTRACTING TEETH. . 

n, Hiirhrock has an Improved Tooih Extractor, for removing Teeth. 
Dr. Hitchcock n^^^" /"Pf*; bie to the old fashioned instruments. lt» 

TEETH. Price 25 cents. . 

All operations warranted, and charges satisfactory. 
%*Specimens of teeth may be seen at the office. 


O F F E 


To the Contribiitopis asad Collectoi's ©f 

the "Weekly €oi8triM2lsoia Plan. 

VOL. II.] 

siPL oei. 

iNO. IX & X. 









Postage, under 100 miles, 14 cts.— overlOO 2 1-2 cts. 





The Duty of Abolitionists. 

Much, very much has been said in relation to the 
wrong-doing of the slaveholders, and of their duty to 
grant immediate and unconditional emancipation to their 
oppressed vassals. If slavery, with impious hands, lays 
hold of the temple of God's truth, prostrates the whole 
fabric, and tramples upon every commandment in the 
decalogue; if it forces man to labor solely for another's 
benefit, without wages; if it does violence to every sen- 
timent of the human breast, by sundering wives from their 
husbands and children from the embrace of their parents; 
if it closes up every avenue to the understanding, and 
dries up the spontaneous outgushings of the soul; if it 
deprives them of the knowledge of the Bible, the light of 
heaven, and the hopes and consolations of the gospel; 
if it compels men and women to herd together like the 
beasts that perish; if, in a word, it takes from his head 
the crown of glory which God has placed upon the brow 
of every immortal soul, and degrades him to the condi- 
tion of a brute — a thing: I ask if the demand we make 
of the slaveholder is unreasonable ? It is made in the 
name of Republicanism, of eternal Justice, and of the 
benign and peaceful principles of Christianity. It is made 
because we believe it is always safe and expedient to do 
justly. It is not made for the slave alone, but for his 
master also. The evils which fall upon him are nearly 
as great as those which weigh down the subjects of his 


oppression. It has been well said, that ^ ' whoever fastens 
one end of a chain around the liihb of his fellow creature, 
fixes at the same time the other end around his own neck." 
This is most emphatically true of the slaveholder. I will 
not dwell on the haughty and overbearing spirit which 
slavery creates in the bosom of the slaveholder — the ig- 
norance and effeminacy it engenders — the licentiousness 
it encourages — the spirit of jealousy, murder and revenge 
it produces — the hypocrisy, irreligion and blasphemy it 
begets, and the indescribable cruelty, wrong and outrage 
it causes. I will view it alone in the light of the fear it 
produces, and which, like the nightmare, weighs upon the 
bosom of the entire slaveholding community. Fix your 
eye upon some slaveholding city. Observe the patrol, 
armed with blunderbusses, swords, bowie-knives and 
other instruments of death, threading the streets and 
coursing up and down the lanes. They are asjealous of 
a whisper as if a formidable invading army had quarter- 
ed within the limits of the city. Witness the master as 
he retires to rest at night. Why stands that loaded ri- 
fle by his head? Why is that brace of pistols placed be- 
neath his pillow? Why that drawn sword across the 
foot of his cot? Why does he startle in his midnight 
slumbers, and his heart leap in his bosom and struggle 
for his mouth, at the sound of a voice, the rustling of a 
leal, or the rattling of a window? The great poet has i 

" The thief doth fear each bush an officer." 
Every one knows that _ , ^ ., . 

"Fear is the tax that consciefiee pays to guilt :'' 
For all are conscious that they retain in their midst a ■ 


population, which has no knowledge of law or religion, 
but as instruments to oppress them; and who, from the 
relations they sustain, must necessarily be their invete- 
rate enemies. Who can dissent from the sentiment of 

" I would not have a slave to till my ground. 

To carry me, to fan me while I sleep, 

And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth 

That sinnews bougbt and sold have ever earned. 

No I dear as freedom is, and in my heart's 

Just estimation prized above all price, 

I had much rather be myself the slave, 

And wear the bonds, than fasten them on him." 

If we have no regard for the slave whatever, the situ- 
ation of the master should urge us, by every motive to 
use all the powers which God has invested in us to bring 
this bloody system to a speedy termination. 

In view of this brief and meagre description, I ask if 
the demand which the abolitionists make upon slavehold- 
ers, to give immediate and unconditional freedom to the 
victims of oppression, is either unjust or too pressing? Is 
it not in accordance with sound philosophy and religion? 
'J^here is a capital of twelve hundred millions of dollars 
invested in this great republic in the blood and bones of 
Qur fellow-countrymen. Though I cannot allow, for a 
moment, that man, created in the image of his God, can 
be held as property, yet, it must be allowed, that their 
slave-property is, to them, equal to the same amount in- 
vested in any other manner. We call upon them to 
give this enormous sum to the cause of truth and of free- 
dom. We urge them to do, what they consider would 
bankrupt themselves for the sake of principle. 


Anyone who has any conceptions of the glory and the 
beauty of liberty, the degradation, sorrow and suffering 
consequent upon slavery, will intuitively pronounce these 
requisitions to be just. But are the slaveholders the on- 
ly persons who are called upon to make sacrifices to this 
cause? Is there nothing for us to do? Is it the slave- 
holder alone who sustains this system? A clear analysis 
of our relations to the South, and of the political history 
of this nation from the time the federal constitution was 
adopted to the present moment, would demonstrate most 
conclusively, that the powders of the general government, 
and the diplomacy of the country have been prostituted 
to the protection of this enormous system. How is it 
possible that two hundred and fifty thousand feeble and 
effeminate masters could hold in subjection two millions 
and a half of healthy and robust people, without assistance 
from other quarters? Slavery, sir, is protected and sus- 
tained by the public sentiment of the free states. Through 
ignorance, and prejudice, which is founded in ignorance, 
the American people are practically confederated to sus- 
tain a system of bondage, '^ one hour of which," says 
Thomas Jefferson, '^is fraught with more misery than 
ages of that which our fathers rose in rebellion to oppose. " 
Never will the South look this system in the face, with a 
view to its abolition, until a regenerated and enlightened 
public sentiment shall press it upon them for their con- 
sideration. They have an imagined interest in its con- 
tinuance, as well as the prejudice of education in its fa- 
vor. God works by human instrumentalities. To us he 
has committed this great work. Upon our efforts the 
hopes, not only of three millions of bondmen and bond- 
women are suspended, but the liberties and destinies of 
a great nation of 17,000,000 of freemen. 


I said that slavery was sustained by public opinion 
based on the ignorance of the people as to the nature of 
the system and the means employed for its overthrow. 
Will you believe me when I affirm, that there are hun- 
dreds of towns where our principles have never been 
enunciated.'' The day of jubilee may be hastened or 
postponed almxost at our pleasure. It cannot be ration- 
ally expected that men will become interested until their 
minds are called to the subject by those who understand 
the system in all its bearings and influence. ''How 
shall they believe," says the apostle, ''in whom, they 
have not heard; and how shall they hear without a 
preacher; and how shall he preach unless he be sent?" 
Could our publications and periodicals be scattered broad- 
cast over the face of the whole land — could the voice of 
the living speaker be heard, simultaneously, in every 
town and parish in the free states, and this great ques- 
tion forced upon the attention of the people, by precept 
upon precept, in a few short months, the moral sentiment 
would be created, which would show no quarter to Amer- 
ican slavery — which w^ouid withdraw from it all counte- 
nance, connection and fellow^ship, and would demand, in 
the name of God and outraged humanity, that every 
yoke should be broken and the oppressed be set free. 
What excuse can we render that this has not been done } 
What reason can we offer that it should not now be done ? 
We have the men who would go forth could they be en- 
couraged and sustained. The same sacrifice on the part 
of the abolitionists which they demand of the slaveholder 
would raise the standard of our principles throughout 
the entire country, and press into our ranks the old and 
young, the rich and poor — the learned and illiterate men, 


women and children, of all classes and conditions, who 
would, with spirit end enthusiasm, prosecute the work 
until liberty should be proclaimed '^ throughout all the 
land unto all the inhabitants thereof." 

We see the importance of our enterprize. Let us be 
consistent. Let us show our devotion to the great prin- 
ciples we advocate by generous contributions, at all times, 
to carry forward the work of moral regeneration. Let 
us demonstrate by our acts that we love the cause of 
truth more than our reputation, and our liberty more 
than gold or silver. 

Degrading Influeuces of Slavery. 


The whole commerce between master and slave is a 
perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the 
most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrad- 
ing submission on the other. Our children see this and 
learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This 
quality is the germ of all education in him. From his 
cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees 
others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his 
philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intempe- 
rance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a 
sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it 
is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, 
catches the lineaments of Avrath, puts on the same airs 
in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to his worst 
passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised 
in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious pe- 
culiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain 
his manners and morals undepraved by such circum- 
stances. And wdth what execration should the states- 
man be loaded, who permitting one half the citizens thus 


to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those 
into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals 
of the one part, and the amor patriae of the other? For 
if the slave can have a country in this world, it must he 
any other in preference to that in which he is born to live 
and labor for another: in which he must lock up the fac- 
ulties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his 
individual endeavors to the evanishment of the hum_an 
race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless 
generations proceeding from him. With the morals of 
the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a 
warm climate no man will labor for himself who can 
make another labor for him. This is so true, that of the 
proprietors of slaves, a very small proportion indeed are 
ever seen to labor. And can the liberties of a nation be 
thought secure when we have removed their only firm 
basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these 
liberties are the gift of God.'^ That they are not to be 
violated but with his wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my 
country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice 
cannot sleep forever; that considering numbers, nature, 
and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of for- 
tune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events: 
that it may become probable by supernatural interfer- 
ence! The Almighty has no attribute which can take 
side with us in such a contest. 

What an incomprehensible machine is man! Who 
can endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment and death 
itself, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next mo- 
ment be deaf to all those motives whose power supported 
him through his trial, and inflict on his fellow men a 
bondage, one hour of which is fraught v/ith more misery 
than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose. 

ik- -^ ^ When the measure of their tears shall be 
full — when their cries shall have involved heaven itself 
in darkness — doubtless a God of justice will awaken to 
their distress, and by difllising a light and liberality 
among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating 


thunder, manifest his attention to things of this world, 
and that they are not left to the guidance of a blind fa- 

Duty of Emancipation. 


Iniquitous, and most dishonorable to our country, is that 
dreary system of partial bondage, which her laws have 
hitherto supported with a solicitude worthy of a better 
object, and her citizens by their practice countenanced. 

Founded in a disgraceful trafic, to which the parent 
country lent her fostering aid, from motives of interest, 
but which even she would have disdained to encourage, 
had England been the destined mart of such inhuman 
merchandise, its continuance is as shameful as its origin. 

Wherefore should we confine the edge of censure to 
our ancestors, or those from whom they purchased? Are 
not we EQUALLY guilty} They strewed around the seeds 
of slavery — lue cherish and sustain the growth. They 
introduced the system — ive enlarge, invigorate, and con- 
firm it. ^ 

That the dangerous consequences of this system of 
bondage have not as yet been felt, does not prove they 
never will be. At least, the experiment has not been 
sufficiently made to preclude speculation and conjecture. 
To me, sir, nothing for which I have not the evidence of 
my senses is more clear, than that it will one day destroy 
that reverence for liberty, which is the vital principle of 
a republic. 

While a majority of your citizens are accustomed to 
rule with the authority of despots, within particular lim- 
its; while your youth are reared in the habit of thinking 
that the great rights of human nature are not so sacred 
but they may v/ith innocence be trampled on, can it be 
expected that the public mind should glow with that gen- 
erous ardor in the cause of freedom, which can alone 



' save a government like ours from the lurking demon of 
usurpation? Do you not dread the contamination of 

i principle ? 

1 :The example of Rome shows that slaves are the prop- 

' er, natural implements of usurpation, and therefore a se- 
rious and alarming evilin every free community. With 
much to hope for by a change, and nothing to lose, they 

; have no fear of consequences. Despoiled of their rights 
by the acts of government and its citizens, they have no 
checks of pity, or of conscience, but are stimulated by 
the desire of revenge, to spread wide the horrors of des- 
olation, and to subvert the foundation of that liberty of 
which they have never participated, and which they have 
only been permitted to envy in others. 

But where slaves are manumitted by government, or 

' in consequence of its provisions, the same motives which 
have attached them to tyrants, when the act of emanci- 
pation has flowed from them, would then attach them to 
government. They are then no longer the creatures of 
despotism. They are bound by gratitude, as well as by 
interest, to seek the welfare of that country from which 
they have derived the restoration of their plundered 
rights, and with whose prosperity their own is inseparably 
involved. All apostacy from these principles, which 

^ form the good citizen, would, under such circumstances, 
be next to impossible. 

Address to Colored Soldiers. 


V / 

Soldiers! When on the banks of the Mobile, I called 

■^ you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils 

and glory of your white fellow-citizens, I expected much 

^ from you; for I was not ignorant that you possessed 

qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew 

with what fortitude you could endure hunger and thirst, 


and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how 
you loved your native country, and that you had, as well 
as ourselves, to defend what man holds most dear — his 
parents, relations, wife, children and property. You 
have done more than I expected. In addition to the pre- 
vious qualities I before knew you to possess, I found, 1 1 
moreover, among you a noble enthusiasm, which leads to 
the performance of great things. 

Soldiers! The President of the United States shall 
hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of 
danger, and the Representatives of the American people 
will, I doubt not, give you the praise your exploits en- 
title you to. Your General anticipates them in applaud- 
ing your noble ardor. 

The enemy approaches; his vessels cover our lakes; 
our brave citizens are united, and all contention has 
ceased among them. Their only dispute is, who shall ,. 
win the prize of valor, or who the most glory, its noblest j 



The Aiitl-SIitTery Call. 

Tune — " TThen I can read my title clear. ^^ 



H— H— 








±1 '^ i 

1. Come join the Ab - o - li - tion-ists, Ye young men bold and 
And with a warm and cheer-ful zeal, Come, help the cause a- 




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The ABBti-Slavery Call. 









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2. Come join the AbolitionistSj 
Ye men of riper years, 
And save your wives and children dear, 
From grief and bitter tears; 
O that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, 
O that will be joyful, when Slavery is no more, 
When Slavery is no more. 

'Tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, 
When Slavery is no more. 

3. Come join the Abolitionists, 
Ye men of hoary heads, 
And end your days where Liberty, 
Its peaceful influence sheds; 
O that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, 
O that will be joyful, when Slavery is no more, 
When Slavery is no more. 

'Tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, 
When Slavery is no more. 


The Anil- Slavery Call, 

4 Come join the Abolitionists, 

Ye dames and maidens fair, 
And breathe around us in our path 
Affection's hallowed air: 
O that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, 
O that will be joyful, when woman cheers us on, 
When woman cheers us on to conquest not yet won. 
'Tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, 
When woman cheers us on. 

5 Come join the Abolitionists, 

Ye who the weak enslave, — 
Who sell the father, mother, child. 
Whom Christ has died to save! 
O that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, 
O that will be joyful, when chains are forged no more,- 
When Slavery is no more, our happy land all o'er; 
'Tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring. 
When Slavery is no more. 

6 Come join the Abolitionists, 

Ye soils and daughters all 
Of this our own America — 
Come at the friendly call; 
O that will be joyful, joyful, joyful, 
Q that will be joyful, when all shall proudly say, 
This, this is Freedom's day — Oppression, flee away! 
'Tis then we'll sing, and offerings bring, 
When Freedom wins the day! 



Uficltam the "Ljiborer. 

Words— &y John Pierpont. Music— Sy G- ^. Uewes, 







1. Strike from that laborer's lirabs his chain ! In the fierce 

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2. Yes, and ?/o?(r dreams it visits too, 

When Fear stands o'er your restless bed, 
And shakes it in your ears, till you 
Tremble, as at an earthquake's tread. 

3. The chain, that binds to you your slave, 

Binds you to him, with links so strong, 
That you must wear it to your grave, 

If, all your days, you do him wrong, 

4. Then break his chain, and let him go, 

And, with the spirit of a man. 
Earn your own bread; and you shall know 
Peace, that you know not now, nor can. 

5. Yea, from his body, and your soul, 

Throw off the load, while yet you may; 

Thus strive, in faith, for heaven's high goal, 

And wait, in hope, the Judgment Day. 



The African Character. 


West India Emancipation has borne a sihgular testi- 
mony to the noble elements of the negro character. It 
may be doubted, whether any other race would have 
borne this trial, as well as they. Before the day of free- 
dom came, the West Indies and this country forboded 
fearful consequences from the sudden transition of such 
a multitude from bondage to liberty. Revenge, massa- 
cre, unbridled lust, were to usher in the grand festival of 
Emancipation, which was to end in the breaking out of a 
new Pandemonium on earth. Instead of this, the holy 
day of liberty was welcomed by shouts and tears of grat- 
itude. The liberated negroes did not hasten, as Saxon 
serfs in like circumstances might have done, to haunts 
of intoxication, but to the house of God. Their rude 
churches were thronged. Their joy found utterance in 
prayers and hymns. History contains no record more 
touching, than the account of the religious, tender thank- 
fulness which this vast boon awakened in the negro breast. 
And what followed? Was this beautiful emotion an ev- 
anescent transport, soon to give way to ferocity and ven 
geance? It was natural for masters, who had inflicted 
causeless stripes, and filled the cup of the slaves with 
bitterness, to fear their rage after liberation. But the 
overwhelming joy of freedom having subsided, they re- 
turned to labor. Not even a blow was struck in the 
excitement of that vast change. No violation of the 
jpeace required the interposition of the magistrate. The 


new relation was assumed easily, quietly, without an act 
of violence; and, since that time, in the short space of 
two years, how much have they accomplished? Beauti- 
ful villages have grown up. Little freeholds have been 
purchased. The marriage tie has become sacred. The 
child is educated. Crime has diminished. There are 
islands, where a greater proportion of the young are 
trained in schools, than among the whites of the slave 
states. I ask, whether any other people on the face of 
the earth would have received and used the infinite 
blessing of liberty so well. 

The history of West India Emancipation teaches us 
that we are holding in bondage one of the best races of 
the human family. The negro is among the mildest, 
gentlest of men. He is singularly susceptible of im- 
provement from abroad. His children, it is said, receive 
more rapidly than ours the elements of knowledge. How 
far he can originate improvements, time only can teach. 
His nature is affectionate, easily touched; and hence 
is more open to religious impression than the white man. 
The European race have manifested more courage, en- 
terprise, invention; but in the dispositions which Chris- 
tianity particularly honors, how inferior are they to the 
African! When I cast my eyes over our southern re- 
gion, the land of bowie knives. Lynch law, and duels, 
of '' chivalry," honor and revenge; and when I consider 
that Christianity is declared to be a spirit of charity, 
'' which seeketh not its own, is not easily provoked; 
thinketh no evil, and endureth all things," and is also 
declared to be ^' the wisdom from above, which is first 
pure, then peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full 
of mercy and good fruits;" can I hesitate in deciding, to 
which of the races in that land Christianity is most adapt- 
ed, and in which its noblest disciples are most likely to 
be reared? It may be said, indeed, of all the European 
nations, that they are distinguished by qualities opposed 
to the spirit of Christianity; and it is one of the most re- 
markable events of history, that the religion of Jesus 
should have struck root among them. As yet it has not 


subdued them. The ^ Maw of honor," the strongest of 
all laws in the European race, is, to this day, directly 
hostile to the character and: word of Christ. The Afri- 
can carries within him, much more than we, the germs 
of a meek, long-suffering, loving virtue. A short resi- 
dence among the negroes in the West Indies impressed 
me with their capacity of improvement. On all sides I 
heard of their religious tendencies, the noblest in human 
nature. I saw, too, on the plantation where I resided, 
a gracefulness and dignity of form and motion, rare m 
my own native New England. And this is the race 
which has been selected to be trodden down and con- 
founded with the brutes! Undoubtedly the negroes are 
debased; for were slavery not debasing, I should have 
little quarrel with it. But let not their degradation be 
alleged in proof of peculiar incapacity of moral elevation. 
They are given to theft; but there is no peculiar aggra- 
vated guilt, in stealing from those by whom they are rob- 
bed of all their rights, and their very persons. They 
are given to falsehood; but this is the very effect pro- 
duced by oppression on the Irish peasantry. They are 
undoubtedly sensual; and yet the African countenance 
seldom shows that coarse, brutal sensuality, which is so 
common in the face of the white man. I should expect 
from the African race, if civilized, less energy, less 
courage, less intellectual originality than in our race, 
but more amiableness, tranquility, gentleness, and con- 
tent. They might not rise to an equality in outward 
condition, but would probably be a much happier race. 
There is no reason for holding such a race in chains; 
they need no chain to make them harmless. 

It has been our intention, for a long time, to write out 
in full the thrilling narration which Miss Wilson has so 
beautifully embodied in verse. In our next number, if 


circumstances permit, we shall relate some of the cir- 
cumstances connected with it. 

The Fugitives from Injustice, in Boston. 


They came through perils, only known 
To those, who, guided by the ray 

Of one bright star to lands unknown, 
Find unimagined dangers thrown 
Around their paths, and, day by day, 
Start as they seem to hear the bay 

Of blood-hounds following their track, 
Urged on by men more fierce than they, 

And listen for the murderous shot, — 

But death, e'en such a death, is not 
Fear'd, as they fear the coming day. 

May s^e them borne to bondage back. 

Such dangers and such fears were pass'd. 
They stood amid kind friends at last. 
Nor only friends — for //lere was one, 
A woman, who long since had thrown 
Her fetters off — and dream'd no more, 
Of meeting those she loved before; 
But she had found the one most dear, 

Her mother to her arms was given! 
And warmly, almost wildly, she 

Pour'd forth her soul-felt thanks to heaven. 

There were four others, — men, still young, 

Whose spirits, past endurance stung 

By countless, nameless wrongs, — at length 

Trusted that He, who gave a star 
To guide their way, would give them strength 

To gain a home and freedom far 
Beyond the reach oftJieir control, 
Who fetter body, heart and soul. 

Then hundreds gathered round, to hear 
The tale of trials each could tell, 


And one spoke of a wife and child 
In bondage with him, — lov'd so well. 

He risk'd his Hfe, and theirs to gain 

Freedom from the galling chain. 

And gratefully of one he told ; 

Who promised, in a vessel's hold, 

To carry them conceal'd away — 
His wife and child in safety there 
He placed, and hasten'd to prepare 

For joining them another day. 

But when again he reach'd the shore, 

The ship he sought was seen no more, 
T'was sailing far away! 

And he — he would not pause to tell 

Of grief, and fear, and doubt that fell 

Upon his heart, — nor how their spell 

He broke, with courage nought could quell 
For he had caught a ray 

Of Hope, with speechless rapture fraught, 

Had heard the wife, the child he sought, 

Were in Toronto safe — and he 

With them, please Heaven, ere long would be. 

That mother, then, and daughter, told 

Their tales, — nor could restrain 
Their fervent gratitude and joy 

That they had met again, 
Had met amid the kind, the free, 
And, more than all — at liberty. 

An old man rose — his crown was bald, 

But locks, by time and sorrow bleach'd, 
In snow-white curls, on either side 

Down, even to his shoulders reach'd. 
He too had been a slave, and long 
Had borne unmurmuringly the wrong, 
The lengthen'd task, the wanton blow, 
And much that only slaves can know; 
But e'en in his degraded lot, 


He found one bright, one happy spot, 
Found flowers upon his pathway strewn — 
A wife and children were his own! 
His own, — alas! how vain the trust, 

Which the confiding slave reposes 
On those who trample in the dust. 
The laws of kindred and of love, 
Of men on earth, and Heaven above, — 

How vain such trust, each day discloses! 

Of change, of poignant grief he told, 
They sold his wife — one child they sold, 

And left him only one ; 
And oh, how closely did his heart, 
(With all beside thus forced to part,) 

Cling round that much lov'd son! 
He was a gentle, noble boy. 
And soon with deep, but fearful joy, 
His father mark'd his spirit high. 
And stronger, stronger grew the tie. 

Which their lone spirits bound, — 
It soften'd e'en the deep regret 
For those they never could forget, 
And in their sadden'd lot were yet, 

Bright gleams of pleasure found. 

Pleasure, that soon was swept away, — 
For, from his arms the boy they tore, 

He too was sold — and on that day, 
Enjoyment, even hope was o'er, 

There was not lefl a single ray. 

To light the gloom of bondage more. 

And then he vow'd to break his chain. 
Or, should the attempt be made in vain. 
Even the threaten'd death would be 
Prefer'd to life in slavery. 
The first attempt did fail, and all 

They'd threatened, was endured, — save^death 
The bloody lash just ceasd to fall, 


In time to spare the failing breath. 
But added, tortures moved him never 

From his firm purpose, — and when strength 
Return'd, he strove again to sever 

His soul-felt fetters, and at length 
Toil, danger, fear were past, and he 
Stood thankfully among the free. ^ 

'' Since then," he added, '^ many a year 

Has pass'd — I could not happy be, 
For memory dwelt on them so dear, 

For ever, ever lost to me. 
Yet I have been resign'd and calm, 

No worldly hopes or fears came o'er me, 
For grief like mine earth has no balm. 

And light from Heaven was beaming o'er me. 
But feelings that I fancied slept 

Forever have awaken'd — I 
With spirit deeply moved, have wept, 

In thankfulness, and sympathy 

With those this day has reunited ; 

But while I share their grateful joy, 
I think how all my hopes were blighted, 

When parted from my noble boy. 
My boy! oh, could I meet him now. 
But place my hand upon his brow, 
And say, ' dear John you're mine,' — and know 

No tyrant's will could bid us part, 
What perfect happiness would flow 

Upon my desolated heart." 

The old man ceased, but ere was past 

The echo of the words he'd spoken, 
The breathless silence gathering there. 

By words that thrill'd each heart was broken, — 
^'Father! my father!" it was he, 

So loved, so mourn'd, — his long lost son, 
Who rush'd into his arms, — among 

Those welcome strangers, he was one. 


Let Fancy — no, to paint the rest, 
The o'erflowing feeling of each breast. 
Her brightest, richest hues would fail, — 

Go list when tells the tale. 

With quivering lip, and moisten'd eye, 

With noble, deep, and gen'rous feeling, 
To every tender sympathy. 

With matchless eloquence appealing; 
Listen, and feel, however lowly 

The pathway of the slave may be, 
No clouds of earth can shut out wholly, 

The light of Love, and Liberty. 

Then higher raise your beacon fires. 

His northward way to guide and cheer. 
Teach southern despots that their dark 

Heaven-daring laws are powerless here; 
Here — where with fervency are breathed 

From countless spirits players toHeaven, 
That turning from their guilt-mark'd course, 

They may repent, and be forgiven. 
Montgome^^ County , Penn. 

The Mysterious Artist. 

Di^amatis PersoncB. 

MuRiLLO, a Celebrated Spanish Painter. 

Ferdinand, Carlos, Gonzalo, Mendez, and Cordova, his 

Sebastian, a Young Mulatto, ) 

about fourteen years of age^ > Slaves of Murillo. 
Go:.iEZ, his Father, ] 

Scene I. — Interior of the Studio of Murillo — Morning. 
Several Students have just entered. 

Gonzalo, (angrily.) Pray, gentlemen, which of you 
remained behind in the studio last night ? 


Cordova. What an absurd question? Don't you re- 
collect that we all went away together? 

Gonzalo. This is a foolish jest, gentlemen. Last 
evening I cleaned my palette with the greatest care, and 
now it is as dirty as if some one had used it all night. 

Carlos. Look! here is a small figure in the corner of 
my canvass, and it is not badly done. I should like to 
know who it is that amuses himself every morning with 
sketching figures, sometimes on my canvass, sometimes 
on the walls. There was a fine one on your easel yes- 
terday, Ferdinand. 

Ferdinand. And my pencils are quite wet. Truly, 
strange things go on here in the night. 

Gonzalo. Do you not think, like the negro Gomez, 
that it is Zombi, who comes and plays all these tricks? 

Mendez. Truly, if the Zombi of the negroes draws 
in this manner, he would make a beautiful head of the 
virgin in my picture of the Descent from the Cross. 
{Jlppro aching his easel,) Beautiful! 

Murillo {enters.) Ah! what is the matter? 

l^The pupils all how to the great master.'] 

Students. Look, Senor Murillo, look! — (pointing to 
the easel of Mendez.) 

Murillo (eagerly.) Who has painted this? Who has 
painted this, gentlemen? Speak! tell me! He who has 
sketched this virgin will one day be master of us all. 
Murillo wishes he had done it. What a touch! what 
delicacy! what skill! Mendez, my dear pupil, was it 

Mendez {sorrowfullij .) No, Senor, 

Murillo. Was it you, then, Gonzalo, or Ferdinand, 
or Carlos? 

{They answer alternately.) No. 

Murillo {impatiently.) It could not come here, how- 
ever, without hands. 

Cordova. I think, sir, that these strange pictures are 
very alarming. To tell the truth, such wonderful things 


have happened before in your studio, that one scarcely 
knows what to believe. 

Murillo. What are they? 

Ferdinand. According to your orders, Senor, we nev- 
er leave the studio without putting every thing in order; 
but when we return in the morning, not only is every 
thing in confusion, our brushes filled with paint, our pal- 
lettes dirtied, but here and there are sketches, sometimes 
of the head of an angel, sometimes of a demon, then 
again the profile of a young girl, or the figure of an old 
man; but all admirable, as you have seen yourself, Senor. 

Murillo. This is certainly a curious affair, gentlemen, 
but we shall soon learn who is this nightly visitant. [He 
calls aloud,) Sebastian? ♦ 

[^Sebastian enters.'] 

Murillo, Did I not desire you to sleep here every 
night ? 

Sebastian (timidly.) Yes, master. 

Murillo. And have you done so? 

Sebastian. Yes, master. 

Murillo. Speak, then; who was here last night and 
this morning, before these gentlemen came? (Sebastian 
hesitates.) Speak, slave, or I shall make you acquainted 
with my dungeon. 

Sebastian (trembling.) No one, master, no one, 

Murillo (angrily.) That is false. Listen to' me; I 
wish to know who has sketched the head of this virgin, 
and all the figures which my pupils find here every morn- 
ing. This night, instead of going to bed, you shall watch ; 
and if by to-morrow you do not discover who the culprit 
is, you shall have seventy-five strokes from the lash. 
You hear! now go and grind the colors; and you, gen- 
tlemen, to work. 

Scene II. — Studio at night — Sebastian leaning against an 
easel — his father enters unperceived and advances toivaris 


Sebastimi {in a melancholy tone.) Why do you come 
here, father? 

Gomez, To keep you company, Sebastian. 

Sebastian. There is no need, father; I can watch 

Gomez. But what if the Zombi should come? 

Sebastian. I do not fear him, father. 

Gomez. He may carry you away, my son; and then 
poor Gomez will have no one to console him in his slavery. 

Sebastian {loeeping bitterly.) Oh! how sad, how dread- 
ful it is to be a slave! 

Gomez [with resignation.) It is the will of God. 

Sebastian. God! I pray constantly to him, father, 
that we may no longer be slaves. But go to bed, father; 
and I shall go to mine in this corner, and shall soon fall 
asleep. Good night, father, good night. 

Gomez. And are you really not afraid of the Zombi. 

Sebastian. My father, that is a superstition of our 
country. God does not permit supernatural beings to 
appear on earth. 

Gomez. Why, then, when the pupils asked you who 
made the sketches, did you say it was the Zombi? 

Sebastian. To amuse myself, father, and to make 
them laugh; that was all. 

Gomez. Then good night, my son. {He kisses him 
and retires.) 

Sebastian {alone.) Seventy-five lashes to-morrow, if I 
do not tell who sketched these figures, and perhaps more 
if I do. O my God, come to my aid! {He throws him- 
self on his bed and falls asleep.) 

Scene III. — Sebastian awakes at day break. 

Sebastian {rousing himself.) Courage, courage, Se- 
bastion ; three hours are thine— only three hours ; then 
profit by them; the rest belong to thy master, slave! Let 
me at least be my own master for three short hours; so 
begin; these figures miist be effaced. {He seizes a brush 


and approaches the easel. The picture appears in the soft 
light of morning, more beautiful than ever.) No! I will 
die first! Efface this! they dare not — neither dare I. 
No! that head! she breathes! she speaks! It seems as 
if her blood would flow if I should offer to efface it, and 
I should be her murderer. No, no, no; rather let me 
finish it. 

{He seizes a pallette, and seats himself at the easel, and 
becomes absorbed in his occupation. Murillo and his pu- ■ 
pils enter unperceived and ivatch him.) 

Sebastian (to himself.) Another touch — a sofl shade 
here — now the mouth — yes, there! it opens! — those eyes, 
they pierce me through! — what a forehead! — what deli- 
cacy! Oh! my beautiful — {He turns suddenly, and is 
horror-struck on perceiving his master.) 

Murillo {sternly.) Who is your master, Sebastian? 

Sebastian {trembling.) You, Senor. 

Murillo {astonished,) It cannot be; I never gave you 

Sebastian {more boldly.) But you gave them to others, 
and I listened to them. 

Murillo {kindly.) And you have done more than lis- 
ten; you have profited by them. {To his pupils.) Gen- 
tlemen, does this boy merit punishment or reward? 

Pupils {together.) A reward, Senor. 

Murillo. That is well; but what shall it be? 

Mendez. Ten ducats, at least. 

Ferdinand. No, a beautiful new dress for the next 

Murillo. Speak, Sebastian; are these things not to 
your taste ? Tell me what you wish for. I am so much 
pleased with your composition, that I will grant any re- 
quest you may make. Speak, then, do not be afraid. 

Sebastian {clasping his hands imploringly .) Oh! mas- 
ter, if I dared! 

Cordova {encouragingly.) Ask gold, Sebastian. 

Mendez. Ask rich dresses, Sebastian. 


Carlos. Ask to be received as a pupil, Sebastian. 

Gonzalo. Ask the best place in the studio. 

Murillo {gaily.) Come, take courage. 

Ferdinand. The master is so kind to-day, that I would 
risk something. Ask your freedom, Sebastian. 

Sebastian [at thejeet of his master, sobbing.) The free- 
dom of my father! the freedom of my father! 

Murillo (ivith great emotion,) And thine also. {He 
presses him to his heart.) Your pencil proves that you 
have talent; your request proves that you have a heart; 
the artist is complete. From this day consider youself 
not only as my pupil, but my son. Happy Murillo! I 
have done more than paint — I have made a painter! 


Children pleading for the Slaye. 

1. God of the wide ere - ation, Of air, and earth, and sea, Accept the 

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young obla-tion, We children bring to thee. We come, thj' sons attending, 


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And join our notes with theirs. At mercy's footstool bending, At mercy's footstool 






Childree pleading for the Slave. 




beading, At mercy's footstool bending, We lift our youthful prayers. 











2 And will the Lord of glory, 

Who dwells beyond the sky, 
Regard our humble story, 

And answer from on high ? 
He will ! for he hath told us 

In his eternal word, 
He always doth behold us 

His ears have ever heard. 

3 When Samuel bow'd before him, 

And clasp'd his hands and pray'd, 
God taught him to adore him. 

And heard the pray'r he said; 
Now, Samuel's God is near us, 

Where we have met to day; 
He bows his ear to hear us. 

And teaches us to pray, 

4 Then bless, Great God of heaven! 

The helpless, bleeding slave; 
Let light and truth be given. 

His darken'd soul to save; 
And speed, good Lord! the season, 

When Slavery's reign shall end, 
And masters, sway'd by reason. 

Shall call the slave their friend. 



Prayer of the Abolitionist. 

Words — by John Pierpont. Music — by G. A. Hewes. 

1. We ask not that the slave should lie, As lies his master, at his 







2. We mourn not that the man should toil ; 'Tis Nature's need, 'tis God's de 

:zL=ri!rzL-L L t 










ease, Beneath a silken can-o - py, Or in the shade of blooming trees. 

cree ; But let the hand that tills the soil, Be. like the wind that fans it, free. 









J — ' 1 I — \ L- _w_ 





■|-! — — O 




3. We ask not *' eye for eye," — that all 

Who forge the chain, or ply the whip, 
Should feel their torture, while the thrall 
Should wield the rod of mastership, 

4. We only ask, God, that they, 

Who bind a brother, may relent; 
But, Great Avenger, we do pray 
That the wrong-doer may repent. 

Nos. IX. and X. 

Duty of Abolitionists 149 

Degrading influence of Slavery 154 

Duty of Emancipation, 156 

Address to colored Soldiers 157 

Music 159 

The Mysterious Artist 165 

Fugitive from Injustice 170 

The African Character ' . 174 

Music 177 

^ije ©ffcrtns 

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(J^^^^Will the friends aid in increasing the subscription list of the Of- 
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98 Court Street, Boston. 

author of the popular work on the "preservation of 

the teeth," and the receiver of the premium 

AT THE mechanics' FAIR. 

Dr. H. attends to the insertion of artificial teeth, from one to 
an entire set. The Teeth used are a superior article, and most perfectly 
resemble the natural teeth. The^' will always retain their color, and do 
not in the least taint the breath. 

(jCf=* Particular attention paid to filling decayed teeth, rendering thero 
useful and void of pain. 


Dr. Hitchcock has an Improved Tooth Extractor, for removing Teeth, 
wdiich is superior and far preferable to the old fashioned instruments. Its 
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that during the past year it has removed more than five thousaki^ 
TEETH. Price 25 cents. 

All operations warranted, and charges satisfactory. 

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To the Contributors and Collectors of 
the IWeekly Contrihntion Plan. 



VOL. II.] 

NOV. DEC, LNO xi&xii. © 


iSoston: g 


1842. ^ 

Peatage, under 100 miles, U ctg overlOO 2 1-2 cts. S® 



Words by Maria W, Chapman, 




: call, '' Rise in the 

1. Hark! hark' it is the trum-pet 

2. "The hour hath come to do and dare, Bound with the 


i-i — u ,_ 

3. Stream forth from all vour mountains g^reen. Pour Hke a 



^^ -I — I — |— f ' — \-t-[ — hr-i — ri — -fi 1 — r 

4, A raig"h-ty sound the re - g'ion fills, 

A voice from 

_i i — 0. 








name of God Most Hi5:h ! '' On rea - dy hearts the ac-cents 
bond-men now are we ; We'lJ pour a - loft the migh-ty 








flood from ev 

'rv heisrht : With kindlino^ hearts and voi-ces 




all our fath - er's graves, It comes from all these thousand 






fall, And firm and 
prayer, We'll bend in 


full they make re --ply} 

God's own house the knee/' 



keen, Swell high the song of 


and right. 





oills ^ Woe to the land of 

hu - man slaves!" 



For the First of August. 

Music BY Baker. 
Words, written for the Anti-Slavery Picnic, by John Pierpo5T. 




« 1 



— fe4-F 

Where Britannia's emerald isles Gem the 



_« — . j — «_. 

-^-| ^r-# ai— '— • i ^- 


Ca - rib-be - an sea, And an endless summer smiles, 

^ — ^ ^__±_l 1__! ^_X_^ ± 1- 

Lo! the 

thrall is free! Yet not, 





hV — 



plains, Hath the sun of Freedom 








For the First of August. 



r r. ^ 

** «' 


, r 

1 ' 1^1 

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1 I 

' ^ a 





^ : 

J ■ ■ 

iM. € . 

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Toiling millions 

pine in 





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,^ 11 

... ^.-- 


— ^ — ^_. 



^ ' 

2 Shout, ye islands disenthralled! 

Point the finger, as in scorn, 
At a country that is called 

Freedom's home — where men are born, 
Heirs, for life, to chains and whips; 

Bondmen, who have never known 
Wife, child, parent, that their lips, 

Ever dared to call their own. 

3 Yet a Christian land is this! 

Yea, and ministers of Christ, 
Slavery's foot in homage kiss, 

And their brother, who is ])riced 
^Higher than their Saviour, even. 

Do they into bondage sell; 
Pleading thus the cause of Heaven, 

Serving thus the cause of Hell. 

4 Holy Father, let thy word, 

Spoken by thy prophets old, 
By the pliant priest be heard; 

And let lips, that now are cold, 
(Chilled by Mammon's golden wand,) 

With our nation's burden glow, 
Till the free man and the bond. 

Shout for Slavery's overtlirow. 



The Harbinger. 8s, 7s & 4. 

1. See yon glorious star, as - cend-ing, Brightly 

2. Dim at first — but widely spreading, Soon 'twill 


3. Few its rays — 'tis but the dawning 

Of the 


-OS \-o- 


— T~i — I — ^-y^ — 1 

Of its 


4. Earth is brighten'd by the glo^y 


|=z^=gz|zgzzg-_j. . £— -— : — t-i ■ 

' o'er the Southern sea! Truth and peace to 

; burst su - preme-Iv bright, Life and health and 




X 1 K.JL_;^ ^_i 



reign of truth and 


,, 1 — 


Joy to slaves — yet 

1— 5>- 

mild and peaceful 



earth por-tend-ing 


J _-C_ 


Ransom'd slaves shall 


Herald of a Ju - hi - lee! 
com-fort shedding, O'er the shades of moral night; 




sad fore-warn-ing, To the tyrants of our race; 



tell the story. See its light, and sing its praise; 






Hail it, Free -men! Hail it, Free-men! 
Hail it. Bond-men! Hail it. Bond-men! 




Tremble, Tyrants! 

— r- 

Trem - bie, Tyrants! 

— asr-r--j— c^- 



Hail it, 

Hail it, 





'Tis the 

star of 
can - not 

Lib - er 

bear its 



Soon your cru 

el pow'r will cease- 

Har - bin 


ger of 





bet - tor 




'Tis the 

Sla - very 

?zz|z2^zzz^z|— zz|l: 

star of Lib - er - ty. 

can - not bear its si^ht. 


Soon your 

el pow'r will cease. 



— o- 

Har - bin 







The Da^^ of liiberty. 



Words by Dunbarton. 
Treble Voice. 




1. Freeman ! tell us of the ni^ht, What its si;^s of promise are I 

2. Freeman ! tell us of the uig"hi, Does its star approach our land ? 

3. Freeman ! shall our fetler'd race Cease to wear the galling chain ? 




-p — 




Tenor Voice. 


Bondman ! Lo ! Britannia's light, Freedom's glory - beaming star! 
Bondman ! mark yon dawning light 5 Lo I the breaking day's at hand) 
Bondman ! Jo I the God of grace Comes to end thy tyrant's reign. 

_^ p? 


Treble Voice. 







Freeman! do its blesses rays Promise good to slaves like me ? 
Freeman! can these beams alone Bid our dreadful bondage cease? 
Freeman ! can it — can it be ? Shall we share the glorious name ? 


zs. — ZT— -z: 

Tenor Voice. 


Bondman ! yes, its glorious blazt Lights your path to lib-er - ty. 
Bondman! GoD is on the throne, 
Bondman ! yes, thou shalt be free — Spread thy great DelivTer's fame. 

.(2 *. 





The Dawn of Oberty. 

.Chorus to 1st and 2d stanzas. 



Bondman ! yes, its glorious blaze Lights your 
Bondman ! God is on the throne, He will 

—*---•-.— d ( ? — #-r-d h- 


-i^-- L 




-I — 

Chorus to 3d stanza, 



path to lib - er - ty. Bondman ! yes, thou shall be free — Spread thy 
bring thee quick release. 



-1 — ^_j 


great Deliverer's fame, Spread thy great Deliverer's fame. 





-k^ — ^ — --^zzi^zi^^zi^itlE 


-^ — ^— ^- 


.^JLJL^^.I© JL_^_ 

^-^^ 1 ^ j — l-B^ 




ArsMiiig, bwt laot with t arnal ^veapons. 

""B-ruzzdnz::: ~mz 

-^—\- — ^-+-1 — I — I — 



1. Ye spir-its of the free ! Can ye for - ev - er 

1 ^v— 


_i — ^....5^.«_.^_i:-p_.?_<,-...i — ^— p-f 

« l-L- ■- Li ^ ■- 






Your brother man, A yok'd and tortur'd slave, Scourg'd to an early grave, 




— i^pzz^iZtqz— izzz^z:p 






And raise no 


"ZZ±zt~^zzt-t--:i:i_zzL. .z: 

hand to save, E'en when you 




■I B 


-— H. 


Arming, but not loith Carnal Weapons, 

2 Shall tyrants from the soul, 
That they in pomp may roll, 

God's image tear, 
And call the wreck their own; 
While, from th* eternal throne, 
They shut the stifled groan. 

And bitter prayer? 

3 Shall he a slave be bound, 
Whom God hath doubly crowned, 

Creation's Lord? 
vShall men of Christian name, 
Without a blush of shame, 
Profess their tyrant claim 

From God's own word? 

4 NO! at the battle cry, 
A host prepared to die, 

Shall arm for fight: 
But not with martial steel, 
Grasped with a murderous zeal; 
Their foes no arms shall feel. 

But LOVE and light. 

5 Based on Jehovah's laws. 
Strong in their righteous cause, 

They march to save; 
Vain is the oppressor's mail. 
Against their battle-hail, 
Till cease the woe and wail 

Of every slave. 



Christian Resolution. 

1. To Freedom's cause, the cause of truth, With joy we 











ded - i - - cate our youth ; To Freedom's ho - ly 


-I — - 






— * a 


fjiz^z^ f^zzii^zg^ 




al - tar bring Fortune and life as of - fer - ing. 
















Christian Resolution, 


To Freedom's cause, the cause of truth, 
With joy we dedicate our youth; 
To Freedom's holy altar bring 
Fortune and life as offering. 

Temptations sore and deadly foes. 
Our onward progress would oppose; 
And conflict stern we still must wage 
With bigot hate and tyrant rage. 

With scorn the foes of God and man 
Our number and our weakness scan, 
Feeble and few, and distant far, 
'Tis ours to wage unequal war. 

Yet are we strong, O God of might! 
Ours are thy words of truth and right ; 
And armed with these, in vain thy foes 
Their thronging numbers may oppose. 

In vain with blood-stained hands they rear 
Their proud abodes of grief and fear! 
Shaking their glories to the ground, 
Thy trumpet-blast of Truth we sound! 

In earnest hopes we wait the. hour, 
Foretold us by prophetic power, 
When all shall come to thee, and own 
The glorious kindom of thy Son. 




Rise, Sons of xlfrica I 6s & 4s. 

1. Ye who in bondage pine, Shut out from light divine, 
2. Shout! for the hour draws nigh. That gives you liberty; 

:gzz:a:zqzqz:^i:z|zzqrq:i:— zz^TZ" pT 

3. The night — the long dark night Of infamy and slight, 

L_ ^^_L 


4 Speed, speed the hour, Lord, Speak, and at thy dread word 



Bereft of hope ! Whose Jimbs are worn with chains. Whose lears be- 
And, from the dust — So long your vile embrace — Up - ris - ing, 

Shame and disgrace, Of slavery — worse than e'er Rome's slaves were 





Fetters shall fall From every limb — the strong No more the 


dew our plains, W"hose blood our glory stains. In gloom who grope ! 
take your place Among eartii's noblest race, 'Tis right and just. 


1 '^ 1 *-\ ^jj J ^ J. - n^ ^ i 1—--* ■ 

doom'd to bear, Horrid beyond compare — Recedes apace, 







weak shall wrong, But Liberty's song Be sung by all. 



Colored ITIaia's Opinion of Colonization. 



-#— (^— (»- 

— 1^ — L 

Great God, if the humble and weak are as 




-I — h- 

-kC — ^- 



^^ — i^T 

-€f •— #- 





b^ — fis>- 

~i 1 — 





dear To thy love as the proud, to thy children give 

— ^z^rztz^z: 



-fes^ — #^- 





-gl ^-#-+ 

qz-zzp:T=pgzq"^:zrT:qz:zgr-i^izz 1 

gziJzgziigzzz-ZigziigzizzizzTz l U- ^-i 

ear! Our brethren viould drive us in 








h-«'— dv-«' 

deserts to 





H 1 


H 1- 


^—^—^^ — ^ — ^- 

-1^ — •'— #- 



Colored Iflan's Opinion of Colonization. 







roam; Forgive them, Father, and keep us at home. 


1 — (-- 

_^_1[ — ^ > J. — ^ J^-^ — »- 









^ A ^ 

^ ^»i 


1 ...^ 

■ ■ I-- ' ^. - =q . 

• 1 « 

- ^ 


Home, home, sweet, sweet home! We 


1 I " 


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,.„^ ■ ! 

1 _■' 1 

m \ ^ 



' # _ ' __ 


1 " 


^« I *^ 

^ ^ ^ 




1 1 1 


# . ^ ) 

J ! ^ .. 







know no oth - er; this, this is our home. 






^— ^- 


Colored man's Opinion of Colonization, — Home. 

Great God, if the humble and weak are as dear 
To thy love as the proud, to thy children give ear! 
Our brethren would drive us in deserts to roam; 
Forgive them, O Father, and keep us at home. 

Home, sweet home! 

We know no other; this, this is our home. 

Here, here our loved mothers, released from their toils 
To watch o'er our cradles and joy in our smiles; 
Here the bones of our fathers lie buried ; and here 
Are friends, wives, and chiidren, ay, all we hold dear. 
Home, &c. 

Here is law, here is learning, and here we may move, 
Most merciful God, in the light of thy love. 
Boasts Afric such blessings? Oppressors declare! 
Oh no, we may seek, but shall not find them there. 
Home, &c. 

Columbia, dear land of our birthright! may He, 
Who made us a people, rain blessings on thee? 
From thy bosom no pleading shall tempt us to roam; 
Till force drives us from it, this, this is our home. 

Home, sweet home, 

Till force drives us from it, this, this is our home. 



Progress of Ihe Cause. 

Words by Oliver Johnson. 


1. Hark I a voice from heav'n proclaiming Comfort to the mourning 
God has heard him long complaining, And extends his arm to 



-—^-^-41 — ^' -I — i — ' — ^- 




slave ; > Proud op - pres-sion Soon shall find a shameful grave, 
save ; ) 



T-— ^— ■ 


-# --■^- j 

Proud Op - pres - sion soon shall find 

a shame -ful grave. 








Progress of the Cause. 

Hark! a voice from heaven proclaiming, 

Comfort to the mourning slave! 
God has heard him long complaining, 

And extends his arm to save: 
Proud Oppression 
Soon shall find a shameful grave ! 

See! the light of Truth is breaking, 

Full and clear on every hand! 
And the voice of Mercy speaking, 

Now is heard through all the land: 
Firm and fearless, 
See the friends of freedom stand. 

Lo! the nation is arousing 

From its slumber, long and deep; 
And the friends of God are waking, 

Never, never more to sleep, 
While a bondman 
In his chains remains to weep. 

Long, too long have we been dreaming 

O'er our country's sin and shame; 
Let us now, the time redeeming, 

Press the helpless captive's claim, 
Till, exulting, 
He shall cast aside his chain? 



^'God and I^iberfvl'' 


-^ — ^^- 


1. God is our g-uide from field and wave. From plough, from anvil, 










-1 — s---- 




and from loom ; We come to lib - er - ate the slave, And 











[-#-f-— I— ©-+-«- 




speak the factious despot's doom ; And bark ! we raise from sea to sea, 


, r--^ 1— ^- 

. Dzqiqzqzgrrziliqzqz— z-Tqzi|=3| 

g EiE|E^,|g; |;EE5:-E|^g;p 



''God and Iiiberty.^' 





\—r^-S>\-S-\-» - 1— K-K 



The watchword "God and Liberty! " The watchword "God and Liberty!" 






1 God is our guide from field and wave, 

From plough, from anvil, and from loom; 
We come to liberate the slave, 

And speak the factious despot's doom; 
And, hark! we raise from sea to sea, 

The watchword — '* God and Liberty!'* 

2 We draw no devastating sword, 

No war's destructive fires we light, 
By reason and the living word 

Of God, we put our foes to flight; 
And, hark! we raise from sea to sea, 

The watchword — '' God and Liberty ! " 

We come with blessings in our train, 
To spread them with a bounteous hand; 

To wipe away the guilty stain 

Of Slavery, from this much-loy*d land; 

And, hark! we raise from sea to sea, 
The watchword — '*God and Liberty! * 



Sound the loud Timbrel. 

Tune, Britannia hath triumphed. 
Repeat. Forte. 

Words, by Montgomery. 

-^-^-^ ^ ^ ^- 

Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea. 



,_JL ;^_ 



;z£|z:rgrg =^iz:gzzg 


annia halh triumph'd — the Bondman is free j Sing — for the pride of the 

-I — ^_p_^_| J-«_i — I — I — ^i-i — ^_! — , — hr^r-^-A 

-I — *«^- 1 — I — . — ' — 





_^_i — j — ^. 



^ — *- 

tyrant is broken, His scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood, Are 


-I — ^-1 — — I 










Sound the lond Timbrel. 





^— H-H— 




*-- — ^-^- 

v\Tench'd from his grasp — -for the word was but spoken. And fetters and 



— 5i_i 

-'-wz ^^- - 


■I *— I 1 1 ! 

H 1 1 








-l^-+-#--^ 0- 

scourges were sunk in the flood; Blow ye the 







trumpet abroad o^er the sea. 

Britannia hath 


-h-«r-i i^^ 





-<^ — «^- 


— '^i'h — «^— ^— + 



SoisBiii the Iof?il TifjibB'cI. 



:^__^_ W-.0—0- 

9 J_^ ^^ ^ j^ ^ ^_ 

Iriumph'd — the Bondman is free. Blow ye the trumpet a- 
^^— ^ ^ - 

-^ ^ K 

^ 1 ^ 



— I — I- 


— ^ \ 1 i 1 r-i-^ — 1^ — ^ ^ — ^ — ^H 

^,- — ^^- 

f^ 1^ — . — r rrw-M-in — «»'.mj.tB< 

izf^zz^zi^zizji!^ :^^z:^zzz^Tz^z'^z:^z':^z:^ 

broad o'er the sea, Bri - tan - nia hath triumph'd — the 



^ --^— tf»--®.^ -^-— P 

^-.^ ^__L_^ 



z:^zz:^zzz:z:^ZTz^zz^z:^z jgzi^zz^z 1 

_| j ^ \ ^ ^_, 

—I 1 i A 


Bondman is free, the Bondman is free, the Bondman is free. 



'i^zi^z zi^z ^: 

g^ — '^ — i — 1^- 

— 1^— j^— j^ — j- 

._. — \^ 


-V-: — ^*^- 

_, ! 1 1 1 

— .>H- 

Nzjzf zi^z^zli?-^-^-^-'^ 


-ii^-^-l 1 



Sound the loud TimbreL 

Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, 
Britannia hath triumphed — the Bondman is free; 

Sing — for the pride of the tyrant is broken, 
His scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood. 

Are wrenched from his grasp; for the word was but 
And fetters and scourges were sunk in the flood; 
Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, 
Britannia hath triumphed — the Bondman is free ! 

Hail to Britannia, fair Liberty's isle! 
Her frown quailed the tyrants, the slave caught her 

Fly on the winds to tell Afric the story, 
Say to the mother of mourners — -Rejoice!" 

Britannia went forth, in the might of her glory, 
And slaves sprung to men at the sound of her voice; 
Praise to the God of our fathers; — 'twas he — 
JEHOVAH — who triumphed, Britannia! by thee. 



Son^ for the tst ofAns^ust. 

Words, by Wm. Bassttt. Tlxe. " Away the Bowl.^'* 



'^ ^i 



# — €9 

Our grateful hearts with joy o'erflow, Hur- 
We hail the Despot's overthrow, Hur- 





H> — ^^ ^ 



ra, Hurra, Hur-ra; 

— I- 


No more he'll raise the 



gory lash, And sink it deep in human flesh, 




- ' — I — 



— ?^ — ^ 



-^- -m-^-9-0- ^ ^ -0^ -0-^- 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra. 




Song for the first of August, 

2 We raise the song in Freedom's name, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 
Her glorious triumph we proclaim, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 
Beneath her feet lie Slavery's chains. 
Their power to curse no more remains, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra. 

3 With joy we'll make the air resound, 

Hurra, hurra, hurra, 
That all may hear the gladsome sound, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 
We glory at Oppressions fall. 
The slave has burst his deadly thrall. 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra. 

4 In mirthful glee we'll dance and sing, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 
With shouts we'll make the welkin ring, 

Hurrra, Hurra, Hurra, 
Shout! shout aloud! the bondman's free! 
This, this is Freedom's jubilee! 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, Hurra, 

Hurra, Hurra, Hurra. 



Prayer for the SlaTC. 

Words — by J. Pier^.oht. 'Ti sti—Mhsionary Hymn, 
1. Almighty God, ihou Giver Of all our .sunny plains, That stretch from sea lo 






river,Hear'st thou thy chiliiren's chains? Sce'st thou thesnapper'd lashes That 






-; — , — (■--; — &- iT~3"r~' ' — — I — h"-' — — hi 






dai - I7 sting- a - fresh? See'st thou the cow-skin's ^bbes, Cut tlirouj,*h the quivering flesh! 


0-0-0-0 0-0 Hfl ^-F ^fw 




Prayer for the Slave, 

Seest thou the sores that rankle. 

Licked by no pitying dog, 
Where, round the bondman's ancle, 

They've riveted a clog? 
Hear'st thou the curse he mutters? 

Seest thou his flashing eye? 
Hear'st thou the prayer he utters, 

That thou woulst let him die. 

God of the poor and frien* less, 

Shall this unequalled wrong. 
This agony, be endless? 

How long, O Lord, how long 
Shall man set, on his brother, 

The iron heal of sin, 
The Holy Ghost to smother — 

To crush the God within! 

Call out, O God, thy legions — 

The hosts of love and light! 
Ev'n in the blasted regions 

That slavery wraps in night. 
Some of thine own anointed 

Shall catch the welcome call, 
And, at the hour appointed. 

Do battle for the thrall. 

Let press, let pulpit thunder 

In all slave-holders' ears. 
Till they disgorge the plunder 

They've garnered up, for years; 
Till Mississippi's valley, 

Till Carolina's coast. 
Round Freedom's standard rally, 

A vast, a ransomed host! 



Freemen a$iserfing their own ri^htf^. 


1. Spir-it of Free-men, wake ; No truce with Slavery make, 







Thy dead-ly foe ; 

In fair disguises dressed, Too long hast thou caress'd 






The ser-pent in thy breast, Now lay him low. 

a— I ! 



-I — I 


-o — ^-i 






Freemen asserting their own rights, 

6s & 4s. 


3 Must e'en the press be dumb? 
Must truth itself succumb? 

And thoughts be mute? 
Shall law be set aside, 
The right of prayer denied, 
Nature and God decried, 

And man called brute? 

3 What lover of her fame 
Feels not his country's shame, 

In this dark hour? 
Where are the patriots now, 
Of honest heart and brow, 
Who scorn the neck to bow 
To Slavery's power? 

4 Sons of the free! we call 
On you, in field and hall. 

To rise as one; 
Your heaven-born rights maintain, 
Nor let Oppression's chain 
On human limbs remain; — 

Speak! and 'tis done. 



Jl Hymn for the First of August, 


1 Lo the bondage of ages has ceased! 

The chains of the tyrant are riven! 
No more as a chattel or beast, 

Shall man to his labor be driven: 
Where the groans and the shrieks o^ despair 

From heart-broken victims were heard, 
Songs of rapturous joy fill the air, 

More sweet than the notes of a bird! 

2 Lo! the gloom and the blackness of night 

Have suddenly vanished away, 
And all things rejoice in the light 

Of Freedom's meridian day! 
Restored to their sight are the blind — 

No longer they grope for the wall; 
All who seek may with certainty find, 

For clear is the vision of all! 

4 Hark! a voice from the Isles of the Sea! 

Its echoes are heard round the world; 
O! joyful its message — ^' WE ARE FREE! 

To dust Oppression is hurled! 
We are free as the waves of the deep, 

As the winds that sweep o'er the earth; 
And therefore we jubilee keep, 

And hallow the day of our birth! " 

4 Praise, praise to the name of the Lord! 
What wonders his right hand hath done! 
How mighty and sure is his word! 
How great is the victory won! 


The power that Jehovah deified, 

In ruin and infamy lies; — 
O, spread the intelligence wide — 

For marvellous 'tis in all eyes. 

Columbia! O shame on thee now! 

Repent thee in ashes and dust! 
There is blood on thy hands — on thy brow — 

And thou art by slavery cursed! 
Thy millions of vassals set free, 

Away with the scourge and the rod — 
Then join with the Isles of the Sea, 

In a shout of thanksgiving to God! 

Song of the Abolitionist. 


Air — Auld Lang Syne, 

I am an Abolitionist! 

I glory in the name; 
Though now by Slavery's minions hissed, 

And covored o'er with shame: 
It is a spell of light and power, 

The watch-word of the free — 
Who spurns it in the trial-hour, 

A craven soul is he! 

I am an Abolitionist! 

Then urge me not to pause. 
For joyfully do I enlist 

In Freedom's sacred cause* 


A nobler strife the world ne'er saw, 
Th' enslaved to disenthral; 

I am a soldier for the war, 
Whatever may befall! 

I am an Abolitionist — 

Oppression's deadly foe; 
In God's great strength will I resist, 

And lay the monster low; 
In God's great name do I demand, 

To all be freedom given, 
That peace and joy may fill the land. 

And songs go up to heaven! 

I am an Abolitionist! 

No threats shall awe my soul, 
No perils cause me to desist. 

No bribes my acts control; 
A freeman will I live and die. 

In sunshine and in shade, 
And raise my voice for liberty. 

Of naught on earth afraid. 



Hail to tlie €aii§e of liberty. 

"Words hy C. W, Dennison. Tune— J7ai7 to the Chief. 
1st Voice. 

1. Hai! lo the cause that in tri - umph advances;, 



bssaa! ^—'^ -^_J- ^-^K 

Pour - ing 

^lo-ry a - far : Banaer'd and plum'd, ]o ! the 

sheen of its Ian - ces 'Lu-mines the steeds and the prow of its car. 


the ii^ht of its 

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Won o'er the hosts 

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Hail to the Cause of Ubcrty. 





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Shout I it is marching now j Shorn ! see its foe - men bow ! 

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Hail to the Cause of Liberty. 


3 Lo! o^er the field, mark! the foe is preparing, 
Rank upon rank, for another attack; 
While God and right he is wickedly daring; 
Who from the conflict turns cowardly back ? 
March to the battle-field I 
Never, no! never yield. 
Dark though the cloud of the enemy lowers! 
Strike! and be valiant then; 
Stand to your posts like men; 
** God and our cause! " soon the triumph is ours! 

3 Weapons of war we have cast from the battle; 

Truth is our armor — our watch-word is Love; 
Hushed be the sword and the musketry's rattle; 
All our equipments are drawn from above ; 
Praise, then, the God of Truth, 
Hoar age and ruddy youth! 
Praise Him, who flock for our army's increase! 
Long may our rally be — 


Ever our banner the banner of peace! 



Keiiieniber tlieni that are in boii:cl!!i. 

1st Treble . 

Christian mother I when thy pray'r Trembles 
23. Treble. 

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3d Treble. 



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In their waking and their sleep — Those, whose love is more to 

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Remember them that are in Bonds, 


1 Christian mother! when thy prayer 
Trembles on the twilight air, 

And thou askest God to keep, 
In their waking and their sleep, 
Those, whose love is more to thee 
Than the wealth of land or sea, — 
Think of those who wildly mourn 
For the loved ones from them torn! 

2 Christian daughter, sister, wife! 
Ye, who wear a guarded life! 

Ye, whose bliss hangs not, thank God! 

On a tyrant's word or nod! 

Will ye hear with careless eye, 

Of the wild despairing cry. 

Rising up from human hearts, 

As their latest bliss departs? 

3 Blest ones! whom no hands on earth 
Dare to wrench from home and hearth. 
Ye, whose hearts are sheltered well, 
By affection's holy spell, 

Oh! forget not those, for whom 
Life is nought but changeless gloom, 
O'er whose days, so woe-begone, 
Hope may paint no brighter dawn! 




Our fellow-countrymen in chains! 

Slaves — in a land of light and law! 
Slaves crouching on the very plains 

Where rolled the storm of Freedom's war! 
A groan from Eutaw's haunted wood — • 

A wail w^here Camden's martyr's fell — 
By every shrine of patriot blood, 

From Moultrie's wall and Jasper's well! 

By storied hill and hallowed grot, 

By mossy wood and marshy glen, 
Whence rang of old the rifle-shot. 

And hurrying shout of Marion's men! 
The groan of breaking hearts is there — 

The falling lash — the fetter's clank! 
Slaves — SLAVES are breathing in that air. 

Which old De Kalb and Sumpter drank! 

What, ho! our countrymen in chains! 

The whip on woman's shrinking flesh! 
Our soil yet reddening with the stains. 

Caught from her scourging, warm and fresh! 
What! mothers from their children riven! 

What! God's ow^n image bought and sold! 
Americans to market driven. 

And bartered, as the brute, for gold! 

Speak! shall their agony of prayer 

Come thrilling to our hearts in vain? 
To us, whose fathers scorned to bear 

The paltry menace of a chain; 
To us, whose boast is loud and long 

Of holy Liberty and Light — 
Say, shall these writhing slaves of Wrong 

Plead vainly for their plundered Right! 


What! shall we send, with lavish breath, 

Our sympathies across the wave, 
Where manhood, on the field of death, 

Strikes for his freedom or a grave? 
Shall prayers go up, and hymns be sung 

For Greece, the Moslem fetter spurning, 
And millions hail, with pen and tongue. 

Our light on all her altars burning? 

Shall Belgium feel, and gallant France, 

By Veadome's pile and Schoenbrun's wall. 
And Poland gasping on her lance. 

The impulse of our cheering call? 
And shall the slave, beneath our eye, 

Clank o'er ou7* fields his hateful chain? 
And toss his fettered arms on high, 

And groan for freedom's gift, in vain? 

Oh! say, shall Prussia's banner be 

A refuge for the stricken slave? 
And shall the Russian serf go free. 

By Baikal's lake and Neva's wave? 
And shall the wintry-bosomed Dane 

Relax the iron hand of pride, 
And bid his bondmen cast the chain. 

From fettered soul, and limb, aside? 

Shall every flap of England's flag 

Proclaim that all around are free. 
From '' farthest Ind " to each blue crag 

That beetles o'er the Western sea? 
And shall we scoff at Europe's kings, 

When freedom's fire is dim with us. 
And round our country's altar clings 

The damning shade of slavery's curse ? 

Go — let us ask of Constaiitine 

To loose his grasp on Poland's throat; 


And beg the Lord of Mahmoud's line 

To spare the struggling Suliote — 
Will not the scorching answer come 

From turbaned Turk and fiery Russ; 
*^ Go, loose your fettered slaves at home, 

Then turn, and ask the like of us! 

Just God! and shall we calmly rest, 

The Christian's scorn — the Heathen's mirth — 
Content to live the lingering jest 

And by-word of a mocking Earth? 
Shall our own glorious land retain 

That curse which Europe scorns to bear? 
Shall our own brethren drag the chain 

Which not e'en Russia's menial's wear? 

Up, then, in Freedom's manly part. 

From grey-beard eld to fiery youth, 
And on the nation's naked heart 

Scatter the living coals of Truth. 
Up — while ye slumber, deeper yet 

The shadow of our fame is growing ! 
Up — while ye pause, our sun may set 

In blood, around our altars flowing! 

Oh! rouse ye, ere the storm comes forth — 

The gathered wrath of God and man — 
Like that which wasted Egypt's earth, 

When hail and fire above it ran. 
Hear ye no warnings in the air? 

Feel ye no earthquake underneath? 
Up — up — why will ye slumber where 

The sleeper only wakes in death? 

Up no7o for Freedom! not in strife 
Like that your sterner fathers saw — 

The awful waste of human life — 
The glory and the guilt of war: 


But break the chain, the yoke remove, 
And smite to earth oppression's rod. 

With those mild arms of Truth and Love^ 
Made mighty through the living God! 

Down let the shrine of Moloch sink, 

And leave no traces where it stood; 
Nor longer let its idol drink 

His daily cup of human blood: 
But rear another altar there, 

To Truth and Love, and Mercy givea, 
And Freedom's gift, and Freedom's prayer 

Shall call and answer down from Heaven! 

The Gag, 


Ho! children of the granite hills, 
That bristle with the hackamatak, 

And sparkle with the crystal rills 
That hurry toward the Merrimack, 

Dam up those rills! — for, while they run^ 

They ail rebuke your Atherton. 

Dam up those rills! — they flow so free 
O'er icy slope, o'er beetling crag, 

That soon they'll all be off at sea, 
Beyond the reach of Charlie *s gag;^ 

And when those waters are the sea's, 

They'll speak and thunder as they please f 

Then freeze them stiff! — but lei there come 
No winds to chain them; — should they blow^ 

They'll speak of freedom; — let the dumb 
And breathless frost forbid their flow. 

Then all will be so hushed and mum, 

You'll think your Atherton has comCa 


Not he! — '' Of all the ah^s that blow," 

He dearly loves the soft South-west, 
That tells where rice and cotton grow. 

And man is, like the Patriarch's, blest 
(So say some eloquent divines) 
With God-given slaves and concubines. 

Let not the winds go thus at large, 

That now o'er all your hills career, — 

Your Sunapee and Kearsarge, — 

Nay, nay, methinks the bounding deer 

That, like the winds, sweep round their hill, 

Should all be gagged to keep them still. 

And all your big and little brooks. 

That rush down, laughing, towards the sea. 

Your Lampreys, Squams, and Contocooks, 
That show a spirit to be free. 

Should learn they're not to take such airs; — 

Your mouths are stopped; — then why not theirs.^ 

Plug every spring that dares to play 

At bubble, in its gravel cup^ 
Or babble as it runs away! — 

Nay, — catch and coop your eagles up! 
It is not mefet that they should fly. 
And scream of freedom through your sky. 

Ye've not done yet! Your very trees, — 
Those sturdy pines, their heads that wag 

In concert with the mountain breeze, — 
Unless they're silenced by a gag. 

Will whisper — '' We will stand our ground! 

Our heads are up! Our hearts are sound 1" 

Yes, Atherton, the upright firs 

O'er thee exult and taunt thee thus, — » 

** Though thou art fallen, no feller stirs 
His foot, or lifts his axe at us, 


Hell from beneath is moved at thee, 
Since thou hast crouched to Slavery. 

'* Thou saidst, ' I will exalt my throne 
Above the stars; and, in the north 

Will sit upon the mount alone, 

And send my Slavery *^ Orders " forth! ' 

Our White Hills spurn thee from their sight; 

Their blast shall speed thee in thy flight. 

*^Go! breathe amid the anguish damps 
That gather o'er the Congaree; — 

Go! hide thee in the cypress swamps 
That darken o'er the black Santee, — 

And be the moss above thy head, 

The gloomy drapery of thy bed! 

^' The moss that creeps from bough to bough. 
And hangs in many a dull festoon; — 

There, peeping through thy curtain, thou 
Mayest catch some ' glimpses of the moon '; 

Or, better, twist of it a string. 

Noose to thy neck, repent, and — swing! '* 

Sons of the granite hills, your birds, 

Your winds, your waters, and your trees, 

Of faith and freedom speak, in words 
That should be felt in times like these; 

Their voice comes to you from the sky! 

In them God speaks of Liberty. 

Sons of the granite hills, awake! 

Ye 're on a mighty stream afloat, 
With all your liberties at stake; 

A faithless pilot's on your boat! 
And, while ye've lain asleep, ye're snagged! 
Ye cannot cry for help, — ye're gagged! 

2Ci)t ©ffrtfttfl 

Will be published monthly — each nnmber to contain 16 pages, besides 
the cover. 

Terms. — To single subscribers, 37J cents per year. But to encourage 
its circulation, 

Four copies will be sent to one address for one dollar. 

Payment in advance. When orders are received withoutithe money, 
one No. only will be sent until payment is made. 

§Cf" These terms will be strictly adhered to in all cases. 

{^ Letters and Communications should be addressed (post paid) to J. 
A. Collins, 25 Cornhill, Boston. 

Qd^ The circulation of this little work will depend upon the interest 
which the friends of the cause exhibit to increase the subscription list. 

(^ All who receive this number are respectfully requested to act as a- 
gents, and forward the money to the subscriber, 

J. A. COLLINS, 25 Cornhill, Boston. 

(J^^Will the friends aid in increasing the subscription list of the Of- 
feringl It is the cheapest Periodical in the land. 


98 Court Street, Boston. 



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92 1